(PDF) IN SEARCH OF THE REAL, IN LOVE WITH THE AUTHENTIC: A STUDY IN IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE IN PUNK SUBCULTURE by PHILIP GEORGE LEWIN B.A., University

IN SEARCH OF THE REAL, IN LOVE WITH THE AUTHENTIC: A STUDY OF

IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE IN THE PUNK SUBCULTURE

FELIPE GEORGE LEWIN

(Under the direction of James Dowd)

ABSTRACT

Three problems plague most previous research on the "authenticity" of subcultural identities:

Scholars have assumed the objectivity of authenticity and exaggerate style as an objective marker

of him, forgetting to consider how the subcultural concern for him relates to the larger society.

This project informs these questions through an ethnographic study of punk.

subculture. He finds that the meaning of authenticity for punks lies in a value system that

similar to the romantic aesthetic that punks convey authenticity by invoking a consistent narrative

structure to account for their identities, and that punks achieve ontological security regarding

their identities by attending concerts that act as integrative rituals. In conclusion, I

reconceptualizing punk as a subculture of authenticity at its core rather than one where you simply

functions as a status for which participants compete and debate how the larger cultural currents rule

subcultural participation of many individuals.

INDEX WORDS: punk, authenticity, subculture, identity, postmodernity

IN SEARCH OF THE REAL, IN LOVE WITH THE AUTHENTIC: A STUDY OF

IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE IN THE PUNK SUBCULTURE

FELIPE GEORGE LEWIN

BA, University of Georgia, 2005

A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Georgia in partial compliance

of the Requirements for the Title

MASTER OF ARTS

ATHENS, GEORGIA

2008

felipe george lewin

IN SEARCH OF THE REAL, IN LOVE WITH THE AUTHENTIC: A STUDY OF

IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE IN THE PUNK SUBCULTURE

FELIPE GEORGE LEWIN

Professor rektor: James Dowd

Committee: David Smilde

dawn robinson

Approved electronic version:

Maureen Grasso

Dean of the PhD school

University of Georgia

august 2008

DEDICATION

To Brian and Sam, who I will always remember as a couple of young punks.

Several people have helped me with this project and I am deeply grateful to all of them.

them. First of all, thanks to Patrick Williams, under whose direction this project began.

and under whose abiding breath it has flourished. without your comments and

insistently, this article would have stagnated and fallen into oblivion. A big thank you must also be heard

Jim Dowd for agreeing to supervise this thesis, for his patience with my efforts, and for

valuable feedback you have provided. Thanks also to David Smilde and Dawn Robinson for

for being on my committee and for giving helpful advice during meetings.

I would also like to thank everyone who attended my lecture “Reconceptualizing Punk

Through Ideology and Authenticity" ved mødet i 2007 i American Sociological

Association in New York, where I presented the preliminary results of this project.

Also, thanks to everyone who attended the January 25, 2008 session of the Georgia Workshop d.

Culture, Power and History, where I presented a more refined version of the subsequent work.

A number of people provided useful comments and criticisms at both conferences, all together

have contributed to and improved this thesis. Last but not least, thank you all.

who took the time to participate in this study. I am especially grateful to those who have helped me

to locate other participants and listen to me as I laboriously worked and cleaned

my thoughts. Of course, more than anyone, I could not have completed this without you

help.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Side

YES................................................... ................................................ .............. .............. .. ......v

CHAPTER

1. INTRODUCTION .............................................. ................................................... .............. ... ... 1

2 REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON SUBCULTURES ........................................... . ..... .... 4

3 REVIEW OF THE AUTHENTICITY LITERATURE ............................................... .. ...... 12

4 A BRIEF HISTORY OF PUNK SUBCULTURE .......................................... .. ............. 22

5 DATA AND METHODOLOGY .......................................... .... ............................................... 24

6 THE STORY OF BECOMING A PUNK ........................................ ... ............ 27

7 DEVELOPMENT OF THE AUTHENTIC SELF THROUGH IDEOLOGY

OBLIGATION ................................................. ........................................ 47

8 CONCERTS AS VALIDATION RITUALS............................................ ..... ....................... 72

9 DISCUSSION ..................................... .................................................. . .. ...... ........ 95

10 CONCLUSION ................................................ ................................................... .... .... 104

REFERENCES ................................................... .. ................................................ ................ ................................ 109

APPENDIX ................................................. ................................................ . ........................... 116

A TABLE OF PARTICIPANTS ........................................ .... ............................................... 116

B INTERVIEWSKEMA ......................................................... ................................................ 119

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The following project explores a discourse that has come to motivate and organize a large

Treating human behavior in modern times: the search for authenticity. either in

relationship with food (Lu and Fine 1995), tourism (MacCannel 1973), art (Fine 2003), ethnicity

(Grana 1989), or identity (Gergen 1991), a search for the authentic seems ubiquitous,

manifests itself seemingly everywhere in contemporary culture. Seducing individuals of all

(especially the post-materialist middle class) with the promise of the "really real"

(Geertz 1973), serving as a lifeboat to keep them afloat in the turbulent sea of ambiguous signs

that has come to characterize their lived reality, or lack thereof. While scholars have

come to appreciate more and more how important authenticity is to many in modern life,

but very little empirical work has considered how and why infatuation arose,

how it affects behavior and worldviews, or how it is negotiated, constructed and subjective

experienced.

In the following pages, I report these questions through an ethnographic study of

punk subculture. While a large body of previous work explores how participants in different subcultures

distinguish between "authentic" and "inauthentic" members (e.g., Becker 1963; Williams and

Copes 2005, Williams 2006; Smith-Lahrman 1997), I approach the study of authenticity from a

other angle. In my opinion, advancing our understanding of both authenticity and

subculture, we must start a new conversation that asks fundamentally different kinds

questions. Instead of focusing on how punks look and try to achieve authenticity, I have

explore why authenticity is important to them and what more important role it plays in their lives. It is

In other words, instead of simply taking your concern for authenticity for granted, I try to

connect it to the wider cultural conditions that have nurtured it. I achieve that by

abandon a long tradition that has prioritized the study of material culture over non-

Material culture in subcultural research. By focusing attention on the belief systems that punk

spouse and the personal narratives they offer to account for their identities, I go beyond

merely an emic description of authenticity and instead attempt to explain it theoretically.

In her study of a rave scene, Sarah Thornton (1995) outlines this project by revealing

how authenticity, or the ability to define it, at least functions as "subcultural capital", allowing

participants to achieve and maintain status among their peers. Even recognizes her merits

particular contribution, I suggest that "authenticity" serves as more than a tool for

social status of young people. Analyze data collected from interviews and participants.

observation, I find that the search for authenticity precedes subcultural participation and is profound

involved in two processes: a morally oriented search for self-discovery inspired by

Romantic aesthetics and efforts to stabilize reality in the postmodern state. While these

forces act on society as a whole, I argue that special conditions cause individuals to react

to them in different ways. For those who enter the punk subculture, I find these conditions

They involve a perceived ability to naturally think more critically than others, social distancing.

from peer groups and exposure to a strong identification with punk music. I also explore

processes through which ritual interactions constitute participants' identities as subjectively real

and true, justify the self-perceptions that they themselves have chosen in an environment that

expands infinite possibilities.

The result, I hope, is a work that gives a new perspective on the subculture and more

brilliantly illuminates the meaning and pretext of the authenticity community's latest announcement as a

cultural ideals. Thus, while Hebdige (1979) argues that subcultures represent mere noise as

unlike sound, I will argue in this paper that they actually constitute something deeper,

as widespread cultural goals and an ambiguous but codified ideological system are organized

participation in them - at least when it comes to punk. I would further argue that scholars should not

they no longer uncritically equate subcultures with resistance based on class or generation. while you try

to avoid relying on concepts and language that are too functionalist but

argue that punk is not inherently or necessarily subversive, that it is not individual or

socially "dysfunctional", and actually serves to reproduce many "dominant" cultures.

trends, albeit in intensified if not distorted ways.

KAPITEL TO

A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON SUBCULTURES

An extensive literature in the sociology of culture considers why young people enter

subcultures, as well as what it means to participate in them. In the last seventy years, two

Theoretical traditions have dominated this debate: functionalism and neo-Marxism. He

functionalist perspective arose primarily among sociologists at the University of Chicago who

they tried to explain deviant behavior in the early 20th century. Frith (1983)

succinctly captures his general position, saying that deviance is "determined by culture."

norms, and not a symptom of psychological deficiency” (p.40). Structure drawing

functionalism by Talcott Parsons, the first sociologists to develop this lens, challenged

prevailing psychological view that an "inherent criminal personality" explained

crime. Based his thought on a series of rich empirical works carried out throughout

Chicago suggested instead that the deviation was the result of the cultural stress that individuals

experience, which is particularly widespread among urban youth. Merton (1938) defined deformation as

inability to meet cultural goals. Emphasizes the prominence of economic success in America

society, postulated that economically deprived individuals experience more stress

frequently and more severely than wealthy people, which explains their higher probability

to perform deviant actions.

Merton (1957) went deeper into his argument and argued that adaptation strategies

arose among poor individuals to overcome their discrepancies between means and ends.

He observed four potential adaptations: 1) innovation occurs when individuals accept cultural goals

but they reject the accepted means of obtaining them; 2) ritualism occurs when individuals reject

cultural goals but continue to accept the means to achieve them; 3) Reprocessing takes place when

individuals reject both cultural goals and the accepted means of achieving them; and 4)

Rebellion occurs when individuals reject cultural goals and the means to achieve them, but

replace both with alternative goals and means. From it, the academics who work within

the functionalist tradition of subculture studies holds that youth subcultures represent rebellion

adaptation to socially anomic conditions.

Cohen best represents this perspective through his study of criminal gang members.

(1955) found that working-class children frustrated their inability to compete for status

system of middle-class institutions, rejected the prevailing cultural means and ends, displacing

both with which could most easily be done. Formulate a more general theory of

subculture, suggested that they arise when a number of young people with a collective

problem comes together because the subculture deals with such problems more effectively than

conventional institutions. The subculture provides an environment through which they can

achieve status, with the development of group norms and boundaries that support their pursuit of

reject the dominant culture that has hitherto attacked them (Baron 1989). Matzah and Sykes (1961)

developed this conceptualization with the intention of further mitigating the pejorative connotations

typically assigned to subcultural participation, arguing that while subcultures offer

maverick routes for pleasure and excitement, are not necessarily anti-social and are not

challenge or disrupt society in ways that others had previously thought. General Chicago

perspective conceptualized subculture as a means of understanding deviance in society

situated contexts.

Later work has criticized particular aspects of Chicago School theory.

explanation. First, many critics argue that perspective artificially imposes a division

between subculture and dominant culture, given that in reality there are continuities between both

Empirical studies of subcultural ideologies have revealed this mainstream

Cultural goals are rarely completely discarded and are often still very important to the participants.

Although subculturalists often modify them, the dominant and subcultural goals are not entirely

incompatible. Second, Fine and Kleinman (1979) suggest that by developing a subculture

identity, the participants do not actually abandon the dominant culture; rather regular and fluid

move between each social media. For participants, subcultures are only one of many

networks to which they belong, most of which consist of weak ties. And third, functionalist.

Sociologists tend to overemphasize the importance of economic success as a cultural goal,

disregarding consideration of alternative sources of anomie faced by young people. When investigating

high school status systems, for example, researchers have found that popularity is

generally based on athletic performance, physical attractiveness, and social success, none

of which is necessarily linked to social class (Coleman 1966; Schofield 1981; Merten 1997).

In summary, scholars have thus criticized functionalist accounts of subculture as false

recreate the divide between subculture and mainstream culture and to see cultural values in

too narrow a path.

Strongly influenced by the work of the American functionalists and Gramscianism in the 1960s,

academics from the Center for Contemporary Culture Studies (CCCS) at the University of

Birmingham developed a neo-Marxist tradition of subcultural research during the 1970s.

the publication of Resistance through Rituals (Hall and Jefferson 1976) changed the focus on

studies of subcultures far from a study of how young people coped with local social conditions.

problems to a macroclass perspective where youth subcultures were conceptualized as

spectacular indicators of the ongoing class struggles in British society. For CCCS, subcultures

indicated a range of collective responses to the structural changes taking place in post-war Britain,

that symbolized the perpetuation of class division (Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004). As such, CCCS

The researchers saw subcultures as class-bound vehicles through which young people struggle[d]

about cultural space” (Brake 1985: 4). Postulating them as a phenomenon of the working class,

theorized that through subcultural involvement, children of working-class parents fared better

"magical" way the structural contradiction of living in a system of cultural values that does not

they reflect the circumstances of their lives or their material interests.

Drawing on Gramsci, Birmingham scholars theorized that subcultures were centered

around a hegemonic struggle to obtain space for development and

expression of alternative ideas to bourgeois ideology and the challenge of what is taken for granted

authority (Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004). Subcultures became positive reference groups

through which the participants worked to formulate counter-ideologies. They achieved that by

engage in symbolic acts of resistance, manifested primarily in style. style them

held, reflected the ideological values of the members, although the homology between the two

was often ambiguous. Moreover, as a mechanism of social organization, his writings

suggested that the style cultivated group solidarity by promoting internal homogeneity and unity.

differentiation, often striving to reunite disintegrating working-class communities

in the wake of postwar economic expansion, which allowed lower-class citizens to participate

the conspicuous consumer activities of middle-class culture that were previously unaffordable.

In a bittersweet evaluation, the CCCS concluded that subcultural participation

it only seemed like a magical solution to escape the material trappings of social class. While

subversive styles offered a disturbing critique of existing social relations, they lacked the capacity

turn upside down the institutions that maintained an unequal distribution of power and privilege

throughout society. In other words, symbolic resistance could not change the class order based on

society and did not disappoint the concrete problems of youth unemployment in the working class, a

alienating job future, educational disadvantage, etc. (Clark et al. 1976). maybe

more problematically for those in subcultures, the styles proved readily available for appropriation

of a powerful "culture industry". Standardization of style to achieve efficiency and

mass production weakened the culture industry subcultures as local sites of resistance (Clark

1976a). Inevitably, it was thought that the style's ideological origins had been lost in the process

commodity production, exchange and creative appropriation.

Muggleton (2000) explains this process in depth. As the commercialization of style occurs,

participants come to understand subcultures through media representations. from the media

visualizing styles rather than contextualizing them, fashion is correlated with identity.

Culture producers use elements from unrelated subcultures as well as from the dominant culture,

and combine them to create new ways of consuming, making it impossible to

the importance of stabilization. Pastiche becomes the main means of stylistic achievement

innovation, as subcultures feed off each other stylistically. This blurs cultural boundaries.

and meanings and also prevents participants from developing new ideologies that

The technique is based entirely on replication. In addition, the culture industry removes the symbolism

once contained in the styles to make them more amenable to consumption. The general

the process disables them: the acceptable elements are preserved while the controversial ones are avoided

(Clarke 1976a; Hebdige 1979). Ultimately, the identity ceases to have stylistic prescriptions. In it

point where the media leaves the contestants with only images of style due to their ideology

origins are lost, identity simply becomes fashion. Subcultural innovations generalize to

represent a holistic youth culture which destroys resistance, social status consciousness and

the ancient liberation potentials of the subcultures.

While the CCCS approach has dominated much of the existing literature on subculture

studies, researchers have leveled a number of compelling criticisms against it. First McRobbie and Garber

(1975) criticized the CCCS researchers for not taking into account girls' participation in youth programs.

subcultures. Although empirical evidence has revealed that most subcultures tend to be masculine

dominated, there has certainly been no lack of female participation in them. Rather since

CCCS researchers conceptualize subcultures as silver bullets for structural economics

problems of working-class men, women are assumed to occupy only a peripheral role in them

(Baron 1989). Moreover, critics accuse scholars of equating the tradition with youthful consumerism

with working class resistance unreserved (Bennet and Khan-Harris 2004). Many

have found the argument that young people use consumer goods with the express intention

to resist the dominant ideology hard to believe. This component of CCCS theory is also based on

the essentialist notion that subcultural participants exclusively understand, or at least

predominantly — working-class youth. This is also shown by field studies

subcultural participants come from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds and who

consumption activities are directed towards the project of developing unique identities and have

just as much fun, if not more, than in endurance.

Underlying all these criticisms is a question regarding the CCCS

method. Birmingham scholars relied primarily on semiotic analysis to explore meaning

of youth subcultures that concentrate on the symbolic aspects of subcultural consumption rather than

the real meanings that young people attach to their own behavior (Miles 2000).

Consequently, studies rooted in this paradigm have not taken into account local variations in youth.

responses to music and style that assume uniformity of subcultural meaning. emphasizing

spectacular behaviors and images that promote semiotic evaluation they also neglected

consider the everyday and mundane aspects of subcultural participation. So while it offers many

contribution to our understanding of subculture, CCCS included the study of subculture within

the parameters of a rather narrow discourse (Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004).

In recent decades, researchers have advanced the study of subcultures through

applying a microsociological perspective which views subculture as “a set of

understandings, behaviors and artefacts used by particular groups and communicated through

interlocking group networks” (Fine and Kleinman 1979, p. 18). The resulting work has

problematized the supposed division between the subculture and the dominant culture and downplayed its importance

Birmingham's concentration on class and stamina. Basically abandon the use of

semiotic analysis, many researchers have brought sociology and qualitative methods back to

investigation of subculture, examine how young people construct identities, draw boundaries and

negotiate subcultural meaning within local settings. The resulting empirical results have

problematized the “heroic” terms in which the CCCS work has cast subcultural participants and has

they also often failed to identify coherent political projects in them.

Muggleton (2000) groups these works under the heading of "post-subculture" studies.

Although the paradigm is loosely defined, those who work within it tend to believe that

The concept of subculture has become obsolete due to the total subversion of the culture industry.

style as a significant form of resistance. In the introduction to his anthology on post-subculture

studies, Muggleton writes "... the style's very potential to resist seems largely lost, with possibly

'inherent' subversive quality to subcultures exposed as an illusion” (p. 5). So move

away from the CCCS conceptualization of subcultures as realistic entities rooted in class-

relations, scholars in this tradition take a position more closely aligned with Fine and

Kleinman's symbolic interactionism, seeing them as socially constructed phenomena that

participants and media negotiate through interaction, an approach that is strictly anti-

essentialist in relation to CCCS theorizing.

The ethnographic work of Sarah Thornton (1995) perhaps best represents the analysis

methods and theoretical orientation of those who subscribe to post-subcultural studies. In its

Considered as a study of club culture, it appropriates Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital

to illuminate the fluid and dynamic nature in which subcultural boundaries are drawn and entered

perceptions of authenticity are sown. His analysis evades a class discussion based on

subversion and does not focus on the autonomy of the culture's sign system. she reveals instead

how individuals of different status within the scene negotiate the meaning of their signs,

find, in contrast to the romanticism of the CCCS, that material inequalities were reproduced internally

within the scene in question. While such work clearly disappoints many of the critics

v. Birmingham, Muggleton scholarship, accuses many post-subculture scholars of investing

The error of CCCS academics in subpoliticizing subcultures and viewing them as hedonistic,

individualistically and politically separate. Rather, he suggests that participants do more

than simply competing for status within empty and arbitrary groups.

CHAPTER THREE

A REVIEW OF THE AUTHENTICITY LITERATURE

Current empirical studies of the subculture, many of which fall within the parameters of post-

studies of subcultures, have identified identity and authenticity as central analytical dimensions of

subcultural studies. Much work (for example, Williams and Copes 2005, Williams 2006; Andes

1998; Widdicombe 1998) approached through this lens reveals that subculturalists aspire to

construct "authentic" identities. My conception of authenticity involves a metaphysical concern

with "being" versus "doing" in relation to the concept of self, manifests itself in the strategy

use of slang, style of dress and behaviour. However, there have been three general problems

frustrated earlier attempts to develop a dynamic conceptualization of authenticity and

understand the processes through which subculturalists attempt to achieve subjective and

experience it. First, many researchers uncritically assume the objectivity of authenticity

to assign typological qualities to both those considered authentic and inauthentic. While

this problem reflects an increasingly common tendency among scholars to prioritize essentialist theories

explanations of the social phenomena of the constructivists, its origins are found in the writings of the CCCS

about the incorporation in the media of the subcultural style.

Hebdige (1979) argues that subcultures are authentic only in their moments of

conception and argues that in these moments, which are inherently fleeting, they express

prohibited content (such as class and difference consciousness) through prohibited forms (such as

such as violations of dress and conduct codes). But the media soon place

subcultural resistance within a dominant framework of meaning, bringing it back to the referential.

link. He then transforms his signs into mass-produced objects, brands and redefines

deviant practices that the participants performed in the first place. This compromises the power and

The "authenticity" of subcultures deprives them of the otherness they so passionately fight for.

to provoke. In short, Hebdige claims that the media "domesticate" subcultures,

making them more mundane, less spectacular and ultimately less threatening. He and other CCCS

scholars thus associate authenticity with radical resistance, rendered impossible by stylistic cooperation.

Subcultures therefore invariably become inauthentic after the incorporation of the mass media pollutes them.

of conservative political ideology (Muggleton 2000).

Although researchers working within the subculture paradigm have a constructivist approach

attitude to authenticity, they routinely attribute typological qualities to the groups they

inquiry that takes care of the task of categorically defining what constitutes

authentic in them. In this work, although I maintain an emphasis on negotiation processes,

place less importance on their results. Based on the largest corpus within microsociology,

take a more nuanced approach to the study of authenticity and argue that it never possesses

concrete properties. This means that I see authenticity as an emic rather than an etic.

concept: a concept that people use in their daily lives that influences their behavior in

defined paths, but which do not possess concrete existence or properties. That's why I suggest it

individuals cannot objectively possess or achieve authenticity and distance from the past

The social sciences try to distinguish between "authentic" and "inauthentic" subcultures and

"Authentic" and "inauthentic" subcultural participants. Rather as conceptualization of

authenticity, which Peterson (1997) develops in his exploration of country music, I see it as a

socially constructed concept negotiated through interaction, a claim made by those involved in

subculture that is legitimized or denied by relevant others.

By assigning specific characteristics to those deemed authentic, we risk privileging and

reification of dominant notions of the authentic while marginalizing the voices of those on the ground.

called the periphery of the subculture. Also, since subcultures generally aren't much

individual, institutionalized parties and groups cannot impose their own aesthetic standards

them. On the contrary, notions of authenticity arise through the interaction between different actors within

historical circumstances. As with country music, the importance of authenticity for subcultural

participants vary with time, space and between different members. By assuming that

constitutes something that participants simply have or do not have, as both CCCS and

post-subculture studies tend to do, we obscure the negotiation processes in which

subculturalists participate in the construction of authenticity and ignore the reasons for it

authenticity concerns them first. More generally, these realistic guidelines do not fit

concreteness by assuming that "authenticity" constitutes a tangible phenomenon that can

objectively located and coded. I, on the other hand, will treat it as a subjective opinion.

Second, many researchers have attempted to understand subculture through a

exploration of style and, as a natural result, his work has tended to frame authenticity

purely stylistically. This tradition has an unequivocal origin. From CCCS

Seeing the style as a sign of something else, they used semiotic analysis to interpret it.

Subsequently, his scholarship built a tradition that has overemphasized the study of material.

culture to the detriment of immaterial culture. In fact, the subcultural style, so prominent and

exciting to the sociological eye, it has become the most commonly analyzed dimension of

subculture studies: scholars have framed, interpreted and defined subcultures through the

choosing to measure concepts such as commitment and authenticity against stylistic conformity

(f.eks. Fox 1987).

As elements of subcultural style are routinely co-opted and consequently distorted

by the profit-driven culture industry, style is quickly marginalized as a resource of

that subculturalists can draw on in the search for "authenticity". In addition, many empirical studies

have examined how participants regularly claim to be genuine while simply accusing others

talk or dress in a certain way to look cool or fit in (Widdicombe

and Woofitt 1990; Baron 1989). Therefore, it seems that people are actively working to develop images

through displays of style with the perceived intention of representing a social category are rejected in

rather than allowing such categories to reflect a pre-existing self. Given these results, more

examination of the ideology that represents a personal dimension of authenticity which refers to how

individuals attempt to frame their subcultural participation as part of a larger life project, i.e

independent of external influence (Williams 2005), it is fine. In short, at this point,

there is reason to prioritize the study of the subculture's non-material aspects over its dress

dimensions.

Third and finally, no attempt is made to understand or place the search for

authenticity among subcultural participants within the later broader social context

modernity/postmodernity. Authenticity reflects a more general modernist concern with

self-actualization, as Taylor (1992) describes in his work The Culture of Authenticity. Below

mid-eighteenth century, the sensibility, rationality, and assertion of Enlightenment ideals

increasingly began to outrage young intellectuals, writers, musicians and artists (Boyle 2004).

While Enlightenment thinkers emphasized deductive reason and a strict adherence to method, a

new class of romantics began to extol the virtues of intuition, imagination and feeling.

Rousseau exemplifies this position in his glorification of the "noble savage" who is in contact with

their natural instincts. By reacting against rationalists such as Descartes rejected romantic thinkers

sixteen

the prevailing creed "I think therefore I am", replacing it with a position more akin to "I feel therefore I am".

then I exist.” Boyle (2004) argues that this mentality has caused a

the contemporary belief that people must live life on the edge and at the same time recognize social rules

and make a living from them, a theme that many advertisers take advantage of when marketing

consumer products. Taylor, treating the argument further, argues that the ideal of

authenticity has facilitated the belief that humans are inherently imbued with moral codes

which must be explored and clarified in order to actualize their potentials. suggest that we

living in a "culture of authenticity" suggests that we have come to interpret people as beings

with internal depths. Being in contact with oneself has thus acquired an independent moral character.

importance and has come to supplant earlier efforts to achieve connection with God.

As anticipated above, this belief system owes much to Rousseau, who is influential

advocated that people should follow their inner voices and resist pressures and urges

society to regain intimate moral contact with itself. Rousseau also to a great extent

founded the notion of "freedom of self-determination," which suggests that individuals become free

only when they independently determine their own interests instead of allowing themselves to be so

formed by external influences. Expanding on this argument, Herder postulated that all people

possess original ways of being human, and it knows not to be able to locate or actualize those unique ways

existence banishes them to conditions of inhumanity and incompleteness. self visualization

as an instrument, according to this philosophical position, as when individuals subvert

believed to confuse discovery and updating

of the inner voice, frustrates one's life purpose and undermines the attainment of moral purity.

This metaphysical orientation in particular has been much criticized and denigrated as a malaise.

of modernity (see, for example, Lasch 1979; Bell 1976), with theorists arguing that focusing

preoccupation with self narrows the lives of individuals, making them poorer in meaning and smaller

concerned about others and society, pejoratively labeling it a "culture of narcissism" and

"my generation." Much indicates, however, that a deep concern for

Self-actualization was introduced with the modern age that values self-exploration and individuality

about rich social engagement and conformity.

Perhaps it provides a more sociological view of this phenomenon anchored in a lens of

identity rather than "authenticity," Ralph Turner (1976) has argued that the types of actions and

feelings that people in advanced industrial societies recognize as emanations of their "reality".

they themselves change. Turner postulates that people's self-concepts tended to be rooted in

institutional framework before the emergence of the post-industrial society. Under this place of self,

people attached their self-concepts to the social roles they occupied and implicitly operated under

the assumption that the self was something to be achieved, created and achieved. Therefore it is

projected into the future and revealed when individuals adhere to high standards and goals

despite the allure of primal temptations.

However, Turner speculates that nascent forces are moving society away from one

institutional emphasis of the self to one rooted in deeply felt urges suggesting that

people are now more likely to experience personal reality in the design and expression of

instincts as opposed to the social roles they have assumed or assumed. during the urge

locus, people discover rather than create their real selves through intense introspection. The truth

The self is revealed when individuals drop their inhibitions and base their actions on desire.

more than on justice or propriety, regardless of the social consequences it entails.

1 Turner suggests that the demarcation between feelings and actions that represent the real self and those that do not.

has three components. First, it is based on a discrimination between the real and the unreal in experience; secondly, that

it is based on a distinction between the attribution to the person and the attribution to the situation; and thirdly, the notion of

the real self embodies the sense of a realm that is distinctly personal and sacred.

Thus the real itself exists in the present and not in the future, since individuals resist the external.

social pressure to avoid succumbing to a league of rules and regulations that

perceived as insignificant. To put it another way, while those who have an institutional place for themselves

to experience social rules and regulations as values that facilitate self-realization by delivering

moral standards and teleological goals to adhere to and pursue, the experience of self-affirmation

impulse transforms the institutional order into a set of rules that arbitrarily limit one's own

ability to enter into genuine expression.

Without drawing any definitive conclusions as to why such a change occurs,

Turner cites changes in cultural definitions of reality, changes in the terms of integration within

mass society, and the emergence of new and unprecedented opportunities to satisfy impulses such as

potential catalysts. It also indicates that many institutional frameworks that once provided

opportunities for self-definition are increasingly unstable and unpredictable. His

Hence the argument that the increasing length of time and the increasing ambiguity between the action

and the rewards within such systems make the institutional loci of the self look and feel less real than the loci of the self.

of the self rooted in the impulses. Thus, what Taylor and Boyle describe as a morally oriented search

for authenticity inspired by the intellectual statements of romantic thinkers can also be

seen as a change in the way individuals experience their personal realities and anchor their self-

notions - a change based on concrete social and material transformations in

industrial societies facing changing philosophical and ideational currents. Extrapolation

Based on Turner's analysis, one can then argue that the drive for authenticity is not necessarily one

recent development, but one that has been around for centuries. According to Turner

But in the theorizing it is now expressed in self-actualization rather than self-creation.

But paradoxically converging with this burgeoning ideal of self-realization,

Contemporary social theory has increasingly dealt with the instability of the self as

as well as culture in general. Allan (1998) argues that forward gear

capitalism: globalization, media, advertising, commodity, information technology,

and new modes of transport - have fragmented reality. In other words, postmodernity has

left individuals reeling in a sea of mass-produced commodified cultural images

media. In particular, Gergen (1991) claims that the subject has become saturated with images

they are inconsistent and independent. New technologies which increase the frequency and

transforming the nature of social encounters, flooding individuals with knowledge of different

groups, different people, different values and different forms of expression. in this style,

Giddens argues that advanced capitalism has spawned the development of a "radical reflexivity"

between individuals where "nothing is permanent and things are true so far"

(Kidder 2006).

The general population, he postulates, has internalized a sense of doubt about

knowledge, and sees it as transitory and unstable. As a result, we lead an unnatural reflexivity

against our self-perceptions, increasing our self-control in a socially saturated culture and

full of constant change and doubt. The ability to maintain a coherent self-narrative is therefore

complicated, and the individual comes to doubt the objectified self. Bauman (1991) more

explains this problem, saying that as the world has become deinstitutionalized, with status ascribed

it no longer produces strong or constant effects on our self-perceptions. This catalyzes people to

participate in self-constitution projects that do not have a benchmark for evaluation or follow-up,

causes them to experience great uncertainty about their identity.

In The Meaning of Culture, Allan (1998) rooted his position in Heidegger's work

and Giddens, states that humans have a basic need for "ontological security" and to impose

"actually" about their experienced world. In this way, we can see postmodernity as one

"problem" for individuals in terms of both the construction of reality and the formation of identity. David

Boyle (2004) talks about the extent of this problem in modern society and points out how

people, especially the post-materialist middle classes, are afraid that their control over

Reality slips away from them, because of the feeling that it is for sale, is fast

commodified, packaged and sold back to them in an artificial form. Like Allan, he argues for it

we live in a world where nothing is what it seems, which has created a desire for reality

and stability. This especially weighs on people, as it due to the influence of

Romantic thinkers: authenticity has risen as a cultural goal. At that very moment

people are expected to find themselves, the ability to do so as well as the ability to feel a sensation

it has become monumentally difficult to be sure to do so.

In summary, while Taylor connects our concern for authenticity with the rest of Romantic literature

thought, and although Turner suggests that it reflects a transformation in the way people

Boyle and Allan experience their self-perceptions that we have come to celebrate

authenticity to balance the extreme displacement of our lives in the postmodern condition,

where time and space are no longer grounded. The doubt that we have internalized it has

led to a radical reflexivity and decentering of the self, has spawned an obsession in us with

about distinguishing between the true and the false. Boyle gives several examples of

questions that occupy us in our daily lives: Is Jerry Springer a staging? is really a person

beautiful if you had cosmetic surgery? Does climbing Mount Everest really count if you

was helped with an oxygen supply? It is in this context that I approach the investigation

authenticity in relation to punks. As opposed to researching the subculture in a vacuum, I have

recognize the relevance and importance of authenticity in the wider social environment which,

as mentioned above, it allows me to pursue an alternative conversation to advance ours

understanding of both phenomena.

CHAPTER FOUR

A BRIEF HISTORY OF PUNK SUBCULTURE

In this section I offer a brief genealogy of the punk subculture to contextualize and

acquaint readers with the ethnographic findings that follow. Although both the academy and

commercial press provides a relatively consistent narrative of the birth and maturation of punk, the

The theoretical perspective of CCCS - especially Hebdige's work - clearly influences both

accounts Considering the criticism of the semiotic methods of analysis on which

confident, it is important to note that the "objectivity" of these narratives is somewhat in doubt.

With this in mind, researchers generally date the genesis of the subculture to the years 1976-1977.

Before this time, many people had begun to feel that rock music had become bland and

pretentious, misses the place of its unwieldy and radical roots. Following the example of the Sex Pistols

and The Ramones, who were the first progenitors of the genre, dozens of punk bands formed in

to address these concerns, most of them located in urban areas of the United States and

United Kingdom. These early punk bands celebrated their amateurism. In an attempt to reconstitute

rock music as a populist cultural medium displaced technical virtuosity and pomposity

with passion, energy and caustic lyrics. See existing recording and performance standards such as

equally pretentious, punk bands emphasized a do-it-yourself ethic regarding both

cultural production and daily life (Moore 2007). Embracing DIY, they recorded their own

albums, booked their own tours and created their own magazines.

The musical form described above became a convenient channel for young people to use

to express the feelings of alienation, anxiety and fatalism that resulted from

changing social, political, and economic conditions in the United States and Great Britain during

1970s (Gaines 1991). The subculture quickly became known as an outlet to express

dissatisfaction with social injustice. The punks denounced capitalist inequality, deindustrialization,

government corruption, and a cultural trend that swung more and more to the right

(O'Hara 1999). The punks also expressed their frustration with local issues: canceling the feeling of

impotence as a result of their positions in educational and family institutions,

challenged the idea that other people had the right to decide how to live and

values that they must adhere to. Thus, most of the participants came to reject conventions that

limited self-expression, developing a style that emphasized the profane. respected punk style

eccentric and obscene standards that took a raw and often disgusting form, deliberately seeking

violate common conventions and feelings. Typical clothing demonstrations included public

vulgarity, mohawks, studs in leather and self-destructive acts such as drug use. In the realization of

these activities the punks tried to creatively outrage the system and reject

conformity, challenge prevailing ways of thinking and reject multiple forms of authority.

CHAPTER FIVE

INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY

I did initial research for this project in the fall of 2004, but collected data from the lion.

part of my data from autumn 2007 to spring 2008. I participated in an ethnographic field study,

observe and analyze the behavior of a local group of self-identified punks. To have one

personal history of subcultural involvement, knew several subjects before the research started.

But as the fieldwork intensified, I contacted several other participants with whom

was not known before. Much of my participant observation consisted of participating in punk

concerts Due to the convergence of my research and personal interests, I attended many of these

during my investigation. I also participated in mundane social outings to catch up

the empirical gaps for which CCCS work is often criticized (Clarke 1997). social outings

it assumed a variety of forms; I attended parties with attendees, hung out at informal gatherings with

them and also participated in some local political projects where some were engaged. Given

In my previous relationships with the participants, I was treated as an informant at both concerts and informal gatherings.

excursions I feel this strengthened my data as it allowed me to integrate well into

subculture as a sociologist. Furthermore, given my implicit understanding of the subculture

system of meaning, I often think I could feel what the participants experienced, what

increased my understanding of what was going on (Kidder 2006). After most excursions I wrote

self-reflective field notes. Although it does not formally incorporate autoethnography as an analytical tool

strategy, I tried through the research to examine my own experiences and reactions to

special events to illuminate the research questions. This mainly took the form of parentheses

field notes of personal experiences and interactions at concerts and social outings.

Although I make use of participant observation, most of my data and analyzes come from in-

in-depth, semi-structured interviews (n=20). I conducted four interviews during 2004 which came

of personal acquaintances. I completed the remaining 16 during the fall and spring of 2007

2008. In an effort to diversify my sample, I did not trust those in my network for

Second batch of interviews. Instead, I contacted members of local punk bands, individuals

discussing punk related topics on a local internet forum and people I met at concerts

and in informal outings. I also made heavy use of snowball sampling. The interviews lasted 45

minutes to two hours and covered a variety of topics including: the experiences of

participants before they became punk; how they became involved in the subculture; which values

and beliefs they associated with punk; what personal meaning it had for them; what role do they have

he believed that the style, especially the music, was suitable for punk; how they separated the inmates from

outsiders; what was the experience of going to concerts like; the meaning and results of actions

of the resistance they had undertaken; and a series of questions regarding your

social and political views. Given the means through which I recruited some informants, not all

of them necessarily recognized me as an informant. However, I have no reason to suspect that

withheld information or honesty during interviews. Some participants had too

externally crafted journal entries given their punk identity and subculture

experiences. These subjects offered to contribute to my data warehouse for content analysis.

I used these tickets mainly to discuss the experience of going to concerts, like most of them

worried.

In general, the sampling was based on the convenience and theoretical needs of the project.

Although the subjects did not represent the subculture as a whole and were not randomly derived, they all were

initiates who possessed valuable and essential knowledge. Given my interest in exploring ideology,

The data is robust as members of the particular group I interacted with often did not

they were aware of punk's stylistic elements and regularly rejected and distanced themselves from them,

which uniquely informed my investigations. The participants were from different social backgrounds and

ideology. 14 of the interviewees were men and 6 women. while experiencing some

difficulties in recruiting female participants given the demographics of the local scene, I did one

a concerted effort to do so to account for women's experiences within punk, an effort

which the CCCS scholarship, as mentioned, did not achieve.

I used an emergent analytic coding strategy to analyze the data. Wearing

interview transcripts, field notes and personal diary entries, I actively searched for patterns

and themes that cut across all data collected from subjects (Charmez 1994). used to

continuous and repeated abstraction in an attempt to truly understand "what was going on". Mine

The analysis also uses triangulation (Massey & Walford 1999), which makes use of several forms of

data, as well as different methodological strategies. When I encoded my data, I relied on both

phenomenological strategies and grounded theory to reach conclusions.

CHAPTER SIX

THE STORY OF BECOMING PUNK

A narrative is a group of statements that provide a temporal and moral order to a set of events.

(Ewick and Silbey 1995). In this section of the document, based on interview data,

explores the rather ubiquitous narrative of becoming punk. The narratives that punks deliver

account of their identities has sociological significance, as individuals typically

explain their actions to themselves through stories. Ewick and Silbey go so far as to suggest that

one's self-concept can be understood as a developing narrative. In addition, the stories describe

the world as lived and understood by the narrator. Storytelling is also strategic. people relate

special stories to further your goals and interests. Study the tale of

becoming punk therefore provides insight into how subcultural participants see themselves, how

be placed in larger social contexts, how they evoke perceptions of authenticity among

others and in themselves and how they have come to adopt certain value systems.

The narrative that came out of my research consists of four main parts: garden

he felt different from others and had the ability to think more critically than they did;

having been marginalized by peer groups; has strongly identified with punk music; and

have acquired the ability to engage in a project of self-exploration through active subcultural activities

effort. In their accounts, the interviewees maintained that they did not "become" punks. It is

That is, they denied having made conscious choices at certain times in their lives to identify

and participate in the subculture. On the contrary, they claimed that they had always possessed

essences of their punk identities within themselves, and report that their interiority came into being

manifested through participation in the subculture. In light of this belief, the informants emphasized

the extent to which they felt different from their peers during adolescence. When she tells how she

became a punk, Kathleen, a 26-year-old graduate student, for example, said, “I don't know how

happened; I've always had this desire to be different... just to break the status quo."

Looking back at her life before she became an active participant in the subculture in more depth,

Eve, as a 24-year-old university graduate who worked in a library, told the following story:

… even as a kid I felt a little punk without knowing it. I was just different... me

I had no friends until I met a guy who was kind of like me... who just was

something rude, just without the nerdy aspect…

… Can you talk a little more about how you felt different from other people?

…I don't know, I've always felt like I was a bit separate from [other people]

somehow... I knew a lot more than people my age and had been through some

really really crap and I felt like everyone else was just living such stupid, sweet-

coated existence.

Although participants emphasized feeling different from their peers to varying degrees, the statement was

appeared in all his interviews. When asked why they felt different, the subjects said

have possessed values, interests and backgrounds different from their peers who

portrayed as superficial, unconscious and conformist. As a result, they claimed they didn't fit

in their school and community environment during adolescence. Offers a history that was

Quite similar to Evas, Glenn, a 24-year-old graduate student, said:

I think at the end of the day I was different from [people at my high school]. It does not matter

how much he would have tried to fit in with people who were popular and people who played

sports all the time, I think at most I would have just been a fraud and never done it

been accepted by these people. Maybe it could have been a shell and it could have shown

at those kinds of social events and stuff, but they would never have accepted me like that

they accepted people, they really considered themselves. So in the end I think that was it

It's really better to find my own identity through something like punk than just trying

hard and fail and be miserable.

Two additional stories recount some of the other reasons why the interviewees did not give them

fit in with your peers. Charlie, a 23-year-old ex-army conscript who works in a restaurant.

and is fully involved in the local DIY community, he claims it was a result of the culture

surprise you experienced when you moved to a new place. He describes having different values.

than his high school classmates and also states that he lacked the necessary funds for material

fit into them.

I grew up in Maine in a factory town...[but]...My dad got a job in Georgia so we moved to

[an affluent suburban county] to high school, and that's where the real seeds of anger

they were sown. It was a total cultural void. And that's where I started to develop ideas.

that I didn't associate myself with punk, but I already related to it without myself

knowledge. All my life I was kind of a wild kid, outdoors and then went to

suburbs and everything are named after trees, but there are no trees; they wanted to fire me

and he went out irresponsibly as a child... He was angry and it was

That kind of led to [becoming punk].

When he is asked about his experiences in high school, he continues:

High school was tough. No one was rich where I grew up, and then I moved to [the

southeastern suburb] where status came into play. It wasn't even a part of my mind before

I went there so I didn't fit in there. There was a lot of hostility towards me, and I

reacted with much more hostility then and it seemed like constant friction

the whole time I was there. It was a difficult time.

Greg, a 26-year-old university graduate, librarian and social activist, describes feeling distant from his

also colleagues, but for different reasons.

I was brought up to believe that it was fundamentally wrong to discriminate against people.

because of their race, because of their place of origin, because of their sexuality

guidance... very literal things my parents told me that I'm not sure most kids do

growing up in the 80's they were taught the…

Has the liberal upbringing you had compared to others ever caused anyone

tensions between you and other people growing up?

Yes, yes, definitely. I think there is an assumption that some people have...if

you appear to be a middle class white male then they will assume you are one too

misogynist, they will also assume you are racist, they will assume you are

homophobic. It's just an assumption that a lot of people have, you know, I always have

How did you disprove that? But always, from childhood to today, there have been boys and

They threw racist stupid things at me. I remember one time in high school, this boy that I

I thought it was cool...he came up to me and whispered something extremely racist into me

I listened to it and I said 'that's not right; it's not right'… there was this constant assumption

as a child, that you cannot be openly misogynistic or racist, but if you are

among whites, okay. And I think some of the best directions in punk music

it directly.

Compared to his peers, Greg claimed to have possessed an alternative benchmark for ethics.

This, he says, made him feel different from others and reject their value system.

Later in their interviews, both Glenn and Greg stated that this sense of difference was motivating

allowing them to explore alternative sources of identity and interaction through the subculture.

Instead of expressing an outright rejection of peer culture, there are also many participants

claimed that their peers simply rejected them, undermining their abilities to develop

identities and sense of self-worth in it. Cooper, a 23-year-old college graduate and

restaurant manager, claimed to have suffered constant ridicule, "never fitting in". His

the narrative recounts the way he was ostracized by his high school friends, as he claims

it made him feel powerless and unhappy.

I had the world of suffering; They always teased me, I never fit in... and I remember this

live. I was in seventh grade on the school bus and I remember Jennifer Smith

make fun of me because the only radio station I listened to was [an oldie station],

which my mother always had [i]. He had no real identity. I was out there and one

total loser. Nothing made me different except that I was so different. I remember them

thing; I always do. I was completely powerless at that point in my life. the punk gave

a tool to change it, a way out, a brighter future... so I accepted it.

Lorie, a 27-year-old college graduate, restaurant worker and musician, offers a very similar experience.

story:

I went to high school and the first year and a half of high school in Tennessee, and then

the rest in Georgia. I was a band nerd in Tennessee, but I had a lot of friends. I think my

The biggest problem back then was the boys. Guys didn't look at me and my whole woman that way

friends were already dating and having sex. Moving to Georgia was pretty awful. He

the school was bigger and richer and no one cared to have anything to do with me. Yo

I missed school a lot and walked around with a big chip on my shoulder. absolutely had

zero self-esteem. When I finally got a boyfriend, he pushed me away and I let him

he... I never liked fashion, makeup or anything that was considered feminine. my wife

my friends would force me down and do my makeup at sleepovers. they would say

how much more beautiful she would be if she only did such and such. I liked metal and

ska and some punk. Anything that became popular I didn't like anymore. I wouldn't like it

the same things that others liked.

And finally, Brian, a 24-year-old college graduate, social activist and service worker, still gives

another story that recounts the pain of social alienation during high school:

My life [before punk] was actually pretty miserable. I was kind of a punching bag

school and I didn't really have any friends except this kid who did

homeschooled, so he had no friends either. My whole life was basically one

trying to think of ways to avoid going to school, to avoid ridicule and go to

church... and playing computer games with that kid... I definitely remember the sixth

graded as one of the worst years of my life, and it was one of the last years before

I became involved, or interested, I should say, because there is a limited degree of

a 12- or 13-year-old can be involved, I suppose, at least in my case, with punk.

Like Cooper and Lorie, Brian claimed he was ridiculed and shunned by his schoolmates.

But later in his interview he also claimed to have lacked interest in the culture of

his peers, who he believed had prematurely embraced the sterile world of adults. As many

interviewed, Brian indicated that his identification as a punk began with a process of both

reject and be rejected by peers. Like other informants, which I will convey later on

role, into the punk subculture gave him social acceptance, as well as real and

symbolic space through which one can develop a positive self-concept.

In addition to feeling uncomfortable during adolescence, subjects also reported having

contrary to the authority to which they were subject in school, home and work.

The interviewees insisted that these institutions limited their capacity for self-expression and

ideological freedom in a meaningful way that governs their time and space and strives to condition

Your Values Blake, a 22-year-old college student, offered the following comment about his

high school experience:

I always felt like an outsider, especially in high school. I hated it; I hated 95% percent of it

the people there, I didn't like many teachers, I hated how it was structured and controlled

My life, I hated having to get up early every morning...it was just oppressive. primarily

however, I think it involved the other kids and how he saw them. I lived in a very place

affluent area where parents bought their kids $25,000 cars around the corner

16, all dressed fashionably, in outfits costing hundreds of dollars... All of them

he was rich and everyone acted rich: pretentious, bombastic, judgmental, unacceptable,

elitist etc I wasn't rich. My parents were divorced, my home, the big one

most of the time it was dysfunctional and i wasn't even from there originally... i was

different and people treated me accordingly.

While speaking of his struggle against others, which he based on their relative impoverishment,

dysfunctional home and alienation, Blake's narrative also expressed her outrage at the way in which

that the education system regulated his daily life, a regulation which he interpreted as

―oppressive.‖ Other interviewees also expressed great disdain for the socialization she and

other institutions tried to mediate during adolescence, referring to an apparently inherent

inability to internalize values without thinking and obey authority in their narratives. In contrast to

your peers who, in your opinion, agreed to this process without major reservations or resistance,

described subjects had a questioning and questioning attitude, an unwillingness to accept what was

others are offered as truth and a desire to discover it for oneself. They claimed to have felt it

they had always had this mindset which prepared them to immerse themselves in the punk subculture.

Henry, a 22-year-old man who works full-time, attends community college and plays locally.

punk band, described this feeling by reflecting on his experiences in the middle and high

school before starting punk rock.

You said you had "that attitude" before you got involved in punk; can you elaborate

in that bit?

Yeah... It would make the teachers say "you can't do this" and I'd say "why, why can't I do this?"

this?...basically any rule that didn't seem to apply to the safety of others or

yourself... There were certain teachers who had power struggles. they had been teachers

forever, and I guess they realized [the school] was their base, so they

kind of using his attraction to maybe make things a lot harder for people, then

I really wouldn't like that. I wanted to make a point to spoil them a little…

So you questioned authority figures instead of just obeying what you

were they asked to do?

Well. Everything with a rule: Every rule has a reason behind it, but some reasons don't.

good reasons, and I just wanted to distinguish what those good reasons were

and what were the bad reasons, because then I can decide which ones to follow, or

which ones not to follow or at least try not to follow... I wasn't really a rebel

things like "no one will tell me what to do", you know, someone has to tell you

what to do in the end... but it made me feel like I was my own person instead of being one

sculpted into something by other people because the things they told me not to do if I

I found out that there was actually a good reason behind it... I could eventually follow that

rule... I felt free and I felt that as long as I know what is right and learn it myself,

I really don't need anyone to tell me this is the way to do things…

you have to know for yourself what is right, not just because you were told it was.

Henry's story depicted a protagonist who wanted to come to his own conclusions instead

to allow a belief system to be forced upon you. He claimed to have reacted against

teachers' authority not because of an antisocial impulse but because by questioning

reasons for his rules, he was able to develop the ability to distinguish between those who were

arbitrary and those that were moral. This, he claimed, allowed him to formulate a personal code of

ethics to follow later in life. Similarly, Trevor, a 21-year-old high school student

candidate who has a full-time job and also plays in a local punk band, it offered

the following comment regarding his educational experiences:

I guess I started without really knowing what I wanted to do; I was curious, always

very curious i asked many questions in school...the teachers were always mad at me

I... I think it's a big stereotype that punks want to be political just because that's what they are

think it's… I'm sure there are some kids who follow it because of the trend, but I

I think kids who are political and really care about that kind of thing are

because they started by being curious and they don't want to just take things at face value.

was introduced; they want to ask more questions, go deeper, and punk just fits

with the…

So there isn't really a set of political ideas that are inherently a part

of punk? It is more a reflection of an attitude…

…yeah, I guess it's just wanting to ask questions. In general, there are many occasions when

come to the same conclusion, but you don't have to come to that conclusion. It is

why i like punk because you can come to whatever conclusion you want. that's what punk is

it's... well, it's individualism... [resistance to authority] it's like finding out who you are

you are and what are your morals. Instead of someone else telling you what your

morals should be, that's how you should feel about things, like you're pushing it a bit,

and you push it until you feel uncomfortable and then you pull back.

In his comment, Trevor saw himself as curious in a way that others were.

not during middle and high school. Like Henry, he claimed to resist the figures of

authority to "find out who it was". He claimed he was able to build his own

ethical system "pushes" rules and boundaries. Trevor believed in finding out what was

pious from what was ungodly through personal experience, by suffering emotions

guilt—was more significant than simply taking someone else's word for it. Both Henry and Trevor

the stories thus prioritize the value of emotions over rationality. They suggest that too

Knowledge and truth in general are achieved through a dialectical process of creation.

and denial, not passive acceptance.

Furthermore, the views espoused by Blake, Henry, and Trevor are about teacher authority

consistent with Turner's (1976) contention that the loci of self-concept change from

institutional framework for impulses. They and other respondents were dismissive of the institutions

rules within the school, as well as within other systems, such as suffocation and arbitrary rules

unworthy of your respect instead of respecting them as essential values. However this

The observation raises the question of why many, if not most, of the students continue to respect the teacher.

authority and choose not to regularly challenge the school's legitimacy as an institution. Because of

alienation that the interviewees described experiencing, it is possible that their low hierarchical level

attitudes within the school and other social systems made his antipathy towards such

particularly sharp institutional framework. In other words, respondents may have owned one

strong need or desire to anchor their self-perceptions in feelings and impulses, since the creation of a

positive self-concept within the available institutions proved particularly difficult and unlikely. This

The rationale is derived from Turner's logic, as it asserts that the real itself is revealed when one

he completely controls his behavior and abilities and achieves perfection when he roots it within

institutional framework - conditions that, given the respondents' stories, did not seem entirely possible.

Given his disgust at the suppression of educational, family, and work institutions,

and unable to cultivate a meaningful identity or explore their alternative ideas in

normative cultures in their schools and communities, informants said they began

seek outlets for socialization and self-expression elsewhere. your comment

suggested that they look for three things in doing so: social acceptance, like others who

could empathize with their unique experiences, and a social forum that was welcoming and

facilitated their alternative ways of thinking. It is at this point in his stories

interviewees claimed to have discovered punk music. Although several informants stated

that older siblings first exposed them to the family, many others claimed that it took place

random - for example, Trevor said he heard punk music for the first time at

snowboarding video game he played, originally referred to it as "snowboarding".

music.‖ The vast majority of those interviewed stated that they developed a

immediate and emphatic interest in punk, stating that his energy and sincerity took hold

them, and who could strongly identify with their tonal and lyrical qualities

contents. Many also claimed that it opened up new areas of critical thinking, according to

validating objections to the normative culture of their peers and teachers

environments they claimed to have. Ian, a 24-year-old university graduate, high school

math teacher and member of a local punk band, described this feeling in depth: ...the only one

The band I heard that absolutely drew me in was Minor Threat. When I

I listened to those recordings and heard about the Straight Edge philosophy, I thought, 'Oh,

that's all for me. I loved the idea of rebellion for rebellion. it's like we don't have

do all these things; you can still be a strong person. I mean, we'll still be alone

so strong, we will still be so strong, so passionate, but we will not do anything

one of these things that society holds dear, you know, that got me... it was about

the energy and the passion, and just… everything about, you know, being yourself and damn it

rest. You are your own independent person; If you're going to conquer the world, do it

the clearest state of mind: go for it, anyone can do it. You just have to be willing to

Fight for it... I never saw the point in smoking or drinking or, you know, promiscuous

sex, or any of the things that many of my friends had gotten into during high school

years... it never seemed like something I wanted to do. And I always felt that it did me

not just an outcast in the whole high school culture or high school environment, but he did

me an outcast with my friends because every time we hung out they drank and

smoking and I just wanted to be there... but then I heard it and... you know it was perfect... It was

was kind of what I was looking for because you know, during high school and

in high school you're always like 'what am I doing; I do it right; I'm going inside

The real liver?' And then I heard it, and I thought, 'Fuck, yes, I am; fuck everybody; Is

going in the right direction”…I was looking for something, it may seem stupid but I was

looked for some sign... And then they turned around and said, "no; you

you don't have to do that shit. You have to do what you want.' and I always have been

from.

Ian's story highlights the profound effect that many interviewees claimed punk music had on him

carried on them. Subjects routinely declared that punk's energy, passion and lyrical weight

lent a helping hand to the problems they faced. In Ian's case, he said he listened to Minor

The threat caused an "epiphany" by giving him the strength he needed

be your own person and live by your own convictions in a social environment that opposes them.

Blake, an interviewee quoted above, made a connection between punk and his participation in

the high school debate team, which he held in high esteem at the time because of the social justice issues

on the way to:

As I listened to more punk, I came to really identify with it. The anger and the anguish and

the intensity appealed to me because that was more or less how I felt every day, when

entered the school. The letters also testify to this when I deciphered them. AND

Bad Religion, the first punk I really came to love and appreciate, took a degree

Also, because they sang about worldly conditions, righted global injustices, reacted

against totalitarian governments and many other issues that I researched, debated,

and believed in the debate team. My appreciation of punk music really started to develop.

the…

Similarly, in another moving story, Henry claimed that punk appealed to him over other forms.

music for its sincerity, energy and, perhaps most importantly, because it worked

something he himself wanted to do and could create:

…let me think back to the first time I heard punk rock…I guess maybe I was listening like Green

Day and Offspring at first, just because it was available, I didn't know what it was

punk rock at the time and I guess whatever they did may or may not be

i called it so when i listened to those guys i had no internet so i didn't

I got some music, you know, let's see this band, but I finally started to be

could get money and I would go to used record stores and they would have that

punk rock compilations and all these bands I've never heard of and I just wanna say

'well...let's see what we have here.'...No one in my high school would listen

to those things and I really got into music because the songs were great. He

it was like something you and your friend could hang out and write like 20

minutes... and I felt like you might have met these people... they were just songs there

I could tell they were writing because they felt something, and they wrote it... so

I started to identify with that kind of music because the ideals behind it were

cool and they weren't simple but I felt like it was for me I could have written that song

and it was good. You'd hear songs about... oh, you know, I'm going out with

my friends and we are going to steal mail (laughs), you didn't hear about that in it

radio or nothing, so I started getting really involved in it.

In summary, the participants said that they could identify with punk music, that their passion

deeply galvanized them that they found it more real and sincere than other genres,

and that it became a vicarious system of social support that became more corporeal as

it became a real participation within the subculture.

After encountering punk music, the interviewees stated that they developed an emphatic interest in it

in the wider subculture that, as mentioned above, led them to actively participate in it. IN

At this point in their stories, the interviewees stated that they began to socialize with other punks, adopters

certain aspects of the punk style and regularly attends punk concerts. The informants highlighted that they

they had found a significant niche for themselves within their respective punk communities. All

confirmed that within them they felt accepted and also confirmed that the subculture allowed them

explore and act on nascent ideas in your possession. Like many of the passages quoted

outlined above, this new acceptance helped ease the alienation pangs of those who

they claimed to have suffered so far. Explaining why he began to identify as a punk, Tom,

for example, the following comment expanded:

…you get into punk because you can identify with the community…a community there

understand and have had similar experiences. It wasn't that my father was a drug addict.

a user or an alcoholic led me to be direct, that was acceptance. you know it wasn't

necessarily the compelling sound of punk that got me into it, it was kind of like

idea of acceptance It was like I could come here and be part of the community, that's right.

what I saw punk for most of my life... looking back, it seemed to me that - that

it was just this unity of really supportive individuals... you just idealize it... that was it

damn man, in high school.

Tom's story tells of how companionship and contact with other empaths became unique.

possible through subcultural participation. In another summary, Charlie gives an excellent

account of how participation in the subculture allowed him to explore different ideas, satisfy his

curious character, and delve into his personal ideological clarification project.

I joined the army when I was 17 years old and I was always going to hardcore and punk shows.

shows all the time and it was always a matter of music for me... I was always back and

forward about my ideology from here to here until I went to Baltimore... I was going there

what they call AIT, which is school and training for what will be your job in the army,

and he really wanted to see a show and he was very unhappy with the decision he had made,

and I went to this place called the copycat, which was a squat on the sixth floor that had electricity

and water and there was a show there and people came up to me

because I was a new face and they were very nice to me. and they were like

"What are you doing here?" and I was like 'I joined the army' and they were like 'oh

man you screwed up.' And they gave me a lot of really cool stuff... actually the first one

book... I got a free book from my friend Scott which was Hegemony or Survival which

it's a Noam Chompsky book... I felt like a freak and I felt bad being there alone

from being in the military and everyone was just trying to help and I think around

So... I was like... 'oh, I know... this is the first time I've felt comfortable in my own skin.'

And that was the first point where I felt like I was in the right frame of mind where people

They just let me do what I wanted, you know.

Is that what gave you that sense of belonging [in punk] that you felt

the hug?

Well, I just felt...it wasn't...well, I hugged...and it was such an ambiguous communion,

the punk scene there, like any punk scene, had so many different facets... but just that

it seemed like everyone was there because... there was something gathered that was still

I haven't noticed... because... there are so many different ideas in punk rock... but

there's like... everybody rejects the same thing, you know what I mean? And I was

really...they gave me room to grow as a person; I didn't feel like it was indoctrination or

nothing at all. I felt it was... ‗you know something about this war; You

I know something about... anything.' It was really… well, I would say I felt embraced.

Charlie stated that punk appealed to him because it allowed him to "grow as a person".

many questions about the world and strove to develop a coherent view of the world. the punk, the one

he said, it served as a forum in which he could interact with others, ask questions and explore ideas

a non-hostile environment where the search for knowledge and meaning was active

motivated. Perhaps most prominently, he suggested that he give her a chance to fix her

he struggles with his choice to join the army, which he eventually left.

While every single punk I interviewed claimed to have gotten something deep

from their involvement in punk communities, most described a process of gradual change

withdrawal from active subcultural participation as they grew up. Thereby the informants do

stated that they continued to maintain their commitment to punk ideals, but to a great extent

they abandoned their concern for style, concerts, and the larger communities that were organized

around them. When asked about this, subjects tended to explain their decisions in one of two ways.

ways. First, many informants stated that they no longer needed the subculture for support.

system indicating that they had become comfortable and secure with their senses of self, and

that they had found answers to many of the questions that had been asked at the entrance

punk. In short, they claimed to have transcended their need to belong to a social category.

Dicky, a 23-year-old university graduate and computer engineer, had this to say as he spoke

why he no longer maintained a strong attachment to the subculture:

In general, the group of people I grew up with has also grown; has become

group of people that they also want to be. So it's a little different, I mean none

really stays in the same… the same way of thinking, except that most, like, for me, I consider it

weak to be a part of... to identify so closely with a social group at this age. You

You know, anytime after turning 18, why would you want to call yourself that?

except who are you? You know, you shouldn't be able to fit into a classification anymore.

The people who do that are just fucking fake.

Echoing Dickie's sentiments, Tom said:

I've definitely become less interested in normative punk, and I still emphasize this idea of

normative punk because it's like every time people call me punk it means so much

things... sometimes they call me and people say, Tom, you're not a punk anymore,

Well, if punk means sitting on the porch drinking 40 and staying up until three in the

I'm listening to Blatts tomorrow, well I guess I'm not a punk anymore. But it's not for me

longer punk. It still is for some people and I totally welcome them and if they want to

Go to the bar, it's great. If you want to play loud music at three in the morning,

It is fantastic. But I'm at a point in my life where I want to do Food Not

Bombs today is more punk than going to that show I missed Thursday night because

I had to get up at 8 and go to work. You know, I'm no less of a punk because I don't

Fuck the man, I stay up until three in the morning partying and watching this amazing

band. And I would have had a great time, but I guess I'm more focused on myself.

and me, personal things. I'd rather do that than be on stage, the normative punk scene…

And finally, Cooper offers a similar but somewhat nuanced version of this explanation, one of

My first interviewees, whom I had known since high school, said the following:

When I was a punk, I started to identify as a punk in relation to you and Sam and

Taylor. I mean, Taylor and I met at a show, and unless one of the three of you was at a show, I

I wouldn't be there... soon, the people I didn't even go to shows with or listen to music with

with or spoken to recognized me as a punk; it was kind of intuitive. I soon established

my own identity, and when I felt comfortable with that identity, that was all I needed

make sure I don't regret it. So I went to shows with you and Sam and I had that

some of the best and most memorable experiences of my life and I will not forget any of them.

you for that. Whenever I listen to bands now, I think about the moments we spent at shows. Yo

I don't really feel the need to move on, because I don't just feel like I have something to do

prove it but i don't think i'll ever get over the nights we were in crappy clubs

the heat and smoke from the clove cigarettes and it just existed. I am satisfied with myself

performances and while more shows would be icing on the cake if I never go again I still will

be so happy

In his story, Cooper described feeling like he had developed a sense of comfort with his car.

self-concept that was not present at the start. He stated that he initially participated in

subculture to define itself. Having arrived at that definition, he claims that he no longer

you have to wear punk gear like going to concerts; He is satisfied".

The interviewees also mentioned another reason for largely abandoning active subcultural activities.

participation as they grew up. Brian explained this reason in depth.

…I think at some point I discovered that [punk's] collection of symbols and aesthetics was

suffocating... What I found suffocating is that these various analyzes don't really do that

they develop beyond a lyrical level, they get stuck... my reason for falling from grace

with punk as a shared experience is that these critical analyzes are welcome but

doesn't really go beyond an introductory level... these aesthetic and politicized symbols

serve as currency for social interaction, and I think a side effect of that is that

become kind of crystallized, and that pattern can be discouraging to people

to take your analysis further or... these symbols whether they are bicycles or

dumpster diving or tofu2 they all have a political analysis in their origin but what i came up with

2 dump trucks, tofu and bicycles serve as highlights of the exhibition of style within the punk subculture. garbage man-

Diving and cycling reflect the subculture's rejection of mindless consumption and an embrace of DIY.

ethics of yourself The former also protests against corporate control of the food supply, while the latter tries to

promote environmental sustainability. Brian's reference to tofu refers to the high concentration of vegetarianism

What happened was that the symbol itself became a kind of fetish, and the repetition and

the circulation of these symbols would supersede the ongoing analysis. you would do it

you find yourself in a situation where people don't know what to say to each other

another so people will start talking about bikes and tofu and trash cans over and over

done, and what I feel is happening is that something like the scuba dump becomes itself

the fetish, and people will start pretending that something tastes better because it does

out of a container, otherwise people will start glorifying this small aspect of something that

it emerged from a broader critique of capitalism. But now the landfill has replaced

criticism of capitalism, so people will simply assume that dumpster diving is a sufficient substitute

for a critique of capitalism, as a fetish. And then you'll start hearing, 'yes, we do

dump diving; Let's go dumpster diving, but you stop listening to discussions about

capitalism. Or you'll hear some kind of lazy overture about how people are fighting capitalism.

rummaging in the trash, even if it's not really a sufficient way to fight capitalism.

Brian claimed to have moved into the subculture to explore alternative sets of ideas and

belief, which later became a strong criticism of society. He said that as he grew

older, with his investment in the subculture deepened, his criticism became more involved and

elaborate. Eventually, he argued, punk's cultural aesthetic began to suffocate

promote his ideas and stated that he had to filter them through cultural restrictions

forms, which limited the complexity they could develop. Brian stated that he felt

pressured to channel their political beliefs into lyrics, zines and other style displays. He

He also noted that such displays of style had become a fetish for him. You thought so, for example

many of punk's normative tools, such as cycling and dumpster diving, had

turned into empty wardrobe exhibitions, divorced from the original social and political criticism that

gave birth to them He felt that many in the subculture had come to value such acts in themselves.

themselves, without fully understanding the ideology they were supposed to represent and

Jerk. Ultimately, his comment suggests that the dilemma undermined his ability to

and veganism within punk. Punk's association with animal rights stems from the rise of Straight-Edge

movement within the subculture, which promoted a clean and somewhat ascetic lifestyle, in the early 1980s.

Since then, vegetarianism and veganism have spread more generally throughout the subculture as part of one

believe in living a life free from cruelty and exploitation.

advance both themselves and society and claim that the subculture limited political opposition to

harmless stylistic displays.

The “becoming punk” narrative that emerged from the interview data stands for

how the participants understand their identities and lives in the subculture. As such it provides

introspection into the subjective experience of participating in a subculture, the semiotics

CCCS academics' techniques and academics' prioritization of style in general have

historically silenced and flattened. How responsible are these narratives for the actual events that

moved the participants to subcultural participation is questionable, but also largely irrelevant to

purpose of investigating how the test subjects have constructed and justified their self-perceptions. Ewick and

Silbey suggests that storytelling involves a selective appropriation of past events and characters,

that relates them in a general way that usually involves contestation or struggle. While

informants offered different reasons and circumstances to account for the identities

the underlying structure of his narratives remained remarkably consistent. Subjects described a

innate sense of difference that led to a painful struggle for social alienation and

ridiculous. In their accounts, the informants resolved this struggle by entering the punk subculture,

which gave them social support and an ability to nurture and better understand their

otherness.

David Kinney (1993; p. 22) in his study of socially marginalized high school "nerds" found

that such supportive peer groups are “the most important social arena in which young people develop a

healthy sense of identity as they experiment with different social roles and make decisions about

his present and future life." Like many scholars of adolescent development, he found out

young people who experienced poor self-concepts, lack of social interaction and

the stereotypes suffered from low self-esteem and negative self-evaluations. access a

But a similar group of supportive people eased their worries about popularity, one offered

alternative frame of reference in which to build their identities, and generated positive self-criticism.

feelings that resulted in a transformation into more competent social actors. the tale that

punks extended described a rather similar process. After developing social competence, which

emerged through the cultivation of a meaningful identity and an at least semi-coherent worldview,

most of the interviewees described the act of falling and a result: exiting the active subculture

effort. Subjects stated, in short, that they no longer needed to demand insider status from one

social category to invoke positive affect.

Taken together, the narrative that emerged is very much in line with Linda Andes (1998).

ethnographic work on punks, which argues that subcultural participation unfolds over three

stage career. Andes claims that his informants went through a process of development while

cultivate their identities, go through three stages, each marked by a change in their

reference groups. As with my findings, the punks in his study reported feeling differently

before he became punk. By entering the first stage of development, which she calls

"rebellion," they engaged in subversive acts directed at other normals, such as schoolmates

and parents who define themselves in opposition to them, like Henry and Trevor. Then in one

scene, which she calls "attachment," participants claimed to develop an attachment to other punks,

subsequently making them their most important reference group. In the end, however, they in his

study came to define punk as a system of values and beliefs concerned with

expressing an ideological commitment to the subculture, not stylistic or participatory.

Concluding with active participation, Andes argues that they became their own reference groups that act

discover their identities by making personal commitments to self-expression and anti-

authoritarianism. She referred to this final phase as "transcendence."

But while the narrative that came out of my data certainly supports the Andes theory

ethnographic work, it is important to note that his punk "career" model offers a largely emic approach.

consideration of subcultural participation. A more ethical explanation emerges when one considers how

participation in the subculture develops from a life course perspective. Seems to be

little coincidence that punk's social discord tended to arise at this very moment

when adolescence gave way to young adulthood for most subjects. Further

specifically, many respondents began to distance themselves from punk when they got out of the old

institutional frameworks and entered new ones of their own choosing, especially labor

and family. Entry into these new institutions appears to preclude active participation within

punk subculture and promotes it in other areas in two ways.

First, it limits taking on strict social obligations, commitments and expectations

time and resources that subjects have to cultivate important identities and roles within their

respective scenes. As a result, continue to participate fully in the subculture simply

it becomes impossible. Second, and perhaps more importantly, progress throughout the life course.

it may well transform the loci in which participants anchor their self-perceptions. Because of

discrepancies between the subjects' values and the values of their institutional environments under

adolescence, demonstrate the development of positive self-concepts that root their identities within them

be extremely difficult. But as they get older, subjects enter into new, more voluntary relationships.

institutions where they are most effective and can exercise most control over their

results within them. Consequently, anchoring their self-perceptions in institutions

framework will probably become more viable and more desirable.

Although I am not suggesting that subjects fundamentally reverse their self-loci as they grow

older, I guess maybe it will lead them to a better balance between the institution and

impulse, instead of basing them almost exclusively on the latter. Turner drawing

work, so a more robust explanation for why punks tend to withdraw from the active subculture

participation suggests that they begin to experience their personal realities in such a way that

calls for entering into institutional commitments rather than pursuing the satisfaction of inner drives

that facilitates participation in the social world of punk. So instead of assuming that

Subcultural participants go through an empty fashion in the teenage years as some

Scholars in subculture studies would propose or eventually renounce their alternative

values and identities and re-entering the dominant culture, as some functionalist researchers would suggest, I

argues that people retain their punk identities as they age but subjectively experience

them in a different way, that their "true self" manifests itself in varying ways throughout the course of life.

The stories the interviewees told also illustrated the punks' concern for authenticity. IN

Indeed, their narratives can be understood as vehicles through which they attempt to transmit

authenticity both for oneself and for others. Williams' (2005) ethnographic work on governance

youth: a derivative of the punk subculture oriented around leading a drug-free and relatively ascetic society.

lifestyle - revealed that the idea of an authentic identity generally has two dimensions -

socially and personally. The social dimension of authenticity refers to how individuals make claims

for insider status within a social category, while the personal dimension refers to how individuals

try to frame their subcultural involvement as part of a larger life project that is independent

of external influence. Establishing the personal dimension, he noted, involved articulating one

personal commitment to righteous values that preceded exposure to the subculture; identify

usually in response to peers, he was instead scorned as artificial. A concern with

this other dimension was quite evident in the narratives my subjects told. interviewees

insisted emphatically that they felt different from others and that they had alternative ideas,

at least in some form or another before they join the punk subculture. Thereby they formulated a

sense of personal authenticity: the notion that they were acting for themselves rather than

than playing roles. An excerpt from Dickie's narrative reiterates this point:

The [punk] music reflected how I felt about a lot of different things... and when

you see it for the first time, you fit into it... you found this music that reflects a part of

you who were not really seen before; so it was already there, it's just that this was the one

certain way where it was shown... there were many ideas in me that existed

before you have listened to punk music…

In the next section, I discuss my findings regarding punk ideology. will be

It is clear that the participants' narratives also attempt to convey social authenticity by invoking themselves

The ideological idiom of the subculture, which emphasizes resistance to social conventions and authority,

a commitment to self-actualization and homology between beliefs and behavior. In this way, which

Ewick and Silbey suggested that narrative is strategic, aimed at promoting interests and

goals for those who tell them.

CHAPTER SEVEN

DEVELOPMENT OF THE AUTHENTIC SELF THROUGH IDEOLOGY

OBLIGATION

This section attempts to report two problems in the existing literature on punk. First because

to the influence of CCCS scholarship, which used semiotic methodological techniques to analyze

subcultural style, very few empirical studies have attempted to investigate the meanings that

participants in the subculture adhere to their own behavior. This is certainly true of punk. Many

Scholars have interpreted the punk style to make claims about its subcultural ideology,

but to my knowledge none of them have made any extensive attempt to explore their belief system in

a form that gives agency to the subjects. As a result, what punks think and believe has, for the most part,

part, remained in the dark. Second, most studies of punk focus on style, regardless

how the participants subjectively construct and experience authenticity in ideological action

commitments Emphasizing style over ideology is problematic because it motivates

researchers, perhaps inadvertently, rely on ethical explanations of behavior to inform their

understanding of the concept. Therefore, we know little about how they within the subculture

really distinguish between "real" and "fake" members, how do they come to understand their own

behavior as "real" or why there is a concern for authenticity to begin with.

An example of these shortcomings can be found in the classic Fox play (1987) ―Real

Punks and Pretenders." Making a small attempt to understand the world of his research subjects,

dismisses punk ideology as "ambiguous at best" (p. 352) and defines commitment in terms of

to how the "hardcore" participants look and live, how many tattoos they wear and how many drugs

they basically do. When you impose a hierarchy on a local scene, label those that don't

they differ significantly from others through style such as "softcore" and "preppy".

does, she offers a compromise account that matches her criteria for authenticity, not that

of his subjects. If Fox had believed the testimony of "softcore" and "preppy" punks,

she may well have discovered that they defined authenticity differently than "hardcore punks";

they may even have seen so-called hardcore punks as less committed than themselves. Fox

the studio also misses the point by treating authenticity as a tangible entity. As mentioned in

In chapter three, it does not, in my opinion, serve as a useful ethical or sociological concept. With the purpose

avoid these problems, I engaged the informants in in-depth discussions about how

punk seen and defined. Postponing my own assessment of his apparent commitment,

considered his comment without regard to the extent to which they had adopted standards

subculture accessories. Therefore, I draw on emic data to explore the ideology that

advocated by punks and the strategies they employ to distinguish between "authentic"

and "fake" members.

Three facets of ideological commitment, all linked to an ideal of authentic

individuality, emerged from my interview data. I felt the first value that the informants showed

worry about "rejection". While other empirical works (Fox 1987; Baron 1989) have found that

Punks value resistance and largely reject the common sense world of mainstream culture, it

the nature of their resistance is still poorly understood. Fox, for example, throws punk

resistance as a component of the style that indicates that most of the participants in it lack

"conscience," suggesting that their opposition is rooted in a vague "anti-establishment,

anarchist feeling” (p.352). My interviewees, on the other hand, offered very analytical views.

responses regarding the nature of their social resistance. Expresses great discomfort towards

the idea of socialization, claimed to reject consumption in the broadest sense of the word,

with respect not only for goods, but also for knowledge and identity. for example when

asked Blake, a 21-year-old college student quoted in the above article, what punk meant to him.

section, gave the following testimony:

Punk... implies taking care of a questioning, skeptical attitude, resistance to social pressure and

norms, rejection of undue and sometimes even just authority... Essentially [implies]

live the life I want to live regardless of how others perceive and judge me...

For Blake, punk implies a rejection of social pressures oriented around the goal of "living".

the life you want to live.‖ He suggests that there is a great tension between the pressure from

social integration and the attraction of one's internal calling. The belief in this tension will remain

more clearly as I draw on more interview data where the informants discuss the meaning of

punk.

Elaborating further, Cooper argued that punks reject an “ideology of

accept." According to his commentary, this ideology refers to a system of social indoctrination that

individuals become entangled throughout their lives, limiting potentials

of the self and maintains existing power systems. The "system" Cooper accuses may be

as the collective effort of socialization agents in society: schools, media, family,

religion, government, etc. Informants claim that these agents maintain the charges

by those in power at the expense of everyone else, forcing people to give up their inner essences

to achieve fractions and illusory gains related to social approval. agents of

Socialization does this by inhibiting people from exploring their inner ideas and by maximizing theirs

life experiences, and works instead to promote a strict system of conformity that makes deviance

strictly punishable. The punks believe that this system, which aims to establish a

sanitized culture that contains privileged others undermines one's aesthetic potential in terms of

self-expression Hardly narcissistic, they assigned moral significance to both concepts of self-

expression and social limitation. In his own words, the very eloquent Cooper explained this

believe in depth:

Punk rock is not a type of music, punk rock is an idea. Simplify it as a style of

clothes, a set of chords or even as an attitude erodes the idea. The idea behind punk

rock is that social change comes from within. A lot of people see punks as non-

conformists and rebels, but this is also a simplification. punk rock is looking

break an ideology of acceptance.

What do you mean by an ideology of acceptance?

…As humans, we are socialized to believe that the truth we seek lies somewhere

hidden in pre-established paradigms… things you begin to learn from a child

that never goes away... Punk seeks... to change the individual mentality as a precursor to

types of ideas that cause change not because they are imposed on the population,

but because the population believes that the individually established ethics…

[it] doesn't even have to be a search to change anything. Punks have this bad rap

talk the talk, but never do anything constructive about it. What the punks do is

breaking the socialized link; socialization stops with them. Even if they don't write

your senators or start grassroots movements that are punk and I think that's something

so unique that I can find no other examples of this... punk is the process by which

humanity is trying to deconstruct the faulty paradigms that harm civilization. Punk

in itself will never change the world, but the effect of punk is the freedom of will that remains

unleashed on the post-punk generation. And yes, it definitely starts with

individual… it is the endless process that is the key…

Explains how punks are dedicated to tearing down an "ideology of acceptance", Cooper

emphasizes the importance of resisting socialization which harms civilization. he confirms

that punk as a movement is oriented around the goal of ending socialization, of deconstructing

the norms, beliefs and values that we have internalized to experience life in a cleaner way,

which will allow us to achieve happiness and satisfaction.

Because of their rejection of social conditioning, many interviewees also described having

an "I don't mind" attitude. When asked what exactly they meant by this,

The informants spoke of their concern for self-actualization and for undoing social influence on

to live meaningful lives. This breaks with the way most empirical work on punks

(e.g. Fox 1987; Baron 1989; Gaines 1998; Moore 2004) have framed their ambivalence towards

dominant culture. Many researchers suggest that such an attitude reflects dissatisfaction with

young people who have grown up in a mass media and consumer driven environment. The idea of

"I don't give a shit" is interpreted as a flawed attitude that results from boredom and

aimlessness of suburban youth who have been socialized to be consumers and spectators. IN

In other words, the feeling is explained as a product of postmodernism. But when

When asked to clarify their own statements and behavior, respondents gave a completely different opinion.

position statement. Tom, the 24-year-old musician quoted in the previous chapter, had

say the following about this mentality:

…you brought up this idea that you don't care, and a lot of people have said that

these words, what exactly do you mean by it and what is attractive about [it

attitude]?

When you say I don't care, it's like the existential crisis kicks in.

the table of how... how shall I go through life, make a living, sustain a

family, having a career, being educated, whatever that means these days, it's like having

all that bumped into your face and look at it and say I don't know what to do with

this, I can't do anything about this, I'm not emotionally equipped, I don't think any of us

is emotionally equipped to handle these kinds of situations, and I think that kind of

The real answer is that you really have to burn everything and start from scratch and

find out what life means to you. When I say that guy doesn't care, I mean it

That guy went out of his way and burned all those bridges and said I don't care.

I do everything by my own rules... that means you have to go your own way, you.

you don't care what the rest of the world cares about... it's like you have everything

these people are telling you to worry about these things to concentrate on

these things, you have to have a career in mind, you just have to do all these things,

and after a while you have a little record of them, like a little excess of them in yours

brain and you have to decompress them, you have to decompress them very slowly but like

Take out every one you get with the answer: I just don't care... here it is,

you are 24 years old Tom, you must have a stable career with health insurance and full benefits,

And I don't care... All these things that people would say

give a fulfilling life, I just couldn't see how it could be fulfilling, so I was like I didn't

I don't care about these things because I have to find what fills me up.

Tom in this passage does not display an indifferent attitude or a nihilistic orientation towards the world.

On the contrary, he claims that he "cares" about the value system of the normative culture,

because he sees little sense in it. Instead of succumbing to feelings of purposelessness

and lack of meaning, shows a commitment to finding fulfillment in life for oneself

expression, a perspective that is overtly modernist.

The Blake, Cooper and Tom commentary assumes a bitter antagonism rages on

between one's inner calling and the external social pressures that limit them, a similar struggle

to Freud's distinction between id and superego. This belief reveals that punks tend to anchor themselves

their self-perceptions to impulses opposed to the institutions in which they are involved.

The belief that one must do as one wants, regardless of the social consequences that are

celebrated in the aforementioned creed "I don't give a damn," suggests that feelings and actions

who are motivated by instincts rather than duties or expectations feel more real and meaningful towards

Participants. As Turner (1976) recounts in his scholarship on the nature of the real self, those who

work according to a modus operandi of the self as an impulse emphasizes the disregard of duties and inhibitions

to experience or achieve what Taylor (1991) and Boyle (2004) call authenticity.

As can be seen from the testimonies of the respondents above, this is because they see social rules and

rules as arbitrary and ungrateful. To put it another way, as mentioned in chapter three,

they perceive rules as stifling norms rather than as enabling values. Therefore, while those with a

institutional auto-locus attempts to cultivate and experience the "real self" according to

standards and stick to them even if they go against what you want and enjoy doing,

those with an impulsive auto-locus do the opposite by letting a compass of intuition guide them

Your behavior.

In line with the rejection ideal, the interviewees also described a humanistic imperative

punk that involved overcoming various forms of inequality and inequality such as racism and

poverty. Cooper's commentary regarding the civil rights movement outlines this

bearing size. Punks' social justice concerns can be united under one umbrella

Anti-authoritarianism theme. Interestingly, my findings suggest that such beliefs do not come from

of a normatively conceptualized commitment to social justice. Rather study participants

seemed to prioritize his concern for self-expression over his commitment to struggle

injustice. Indeed, his commitment to self-expression as a moral ideal seemed to motivate his

concerns with social justice. In other words, the interviewees expressed the desire to topple

hierarchies and power structures because they felt that such phenomena undermined theirs

abilities to achieve self-actualization not necessarily because they were committed to justice and

equality as cultural ideals.

While they certainly saw both as important, and prejudice and exploitation as

disgusting, they seemed more concerned with finishing the sentencing process than

socialization as Cooper described. For example, later in your interview while discussing civil liability

rights, referred anecdotally to the Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board, interprets his true

performance as the degree to which people's thinking changed, not their actual results

about racial difference. Humanism thus serves as a tool for achieving self-actualization:

to cancel out social influence and create one's own meaning in life. This does not mean

Belief in the dignity and worth of all people naturally did not motivate the informants.

rejection of inequality and inequality to some extent. But it suggests the rejection that I

have identified as the first facet of punk ideology primarily involves recognizing that a

The hegemonic socialization process takes place in society. Punks see this process as oppressive and

suffocation and they actively strive to overcome it.

Finally, at this point, contrary to accounts like Fox's, the punks don't seem to be taking one

attitude that inherently and automatically rejects all forms of authority and establishment. While

regularly showing disdain for both, their position is best described as opposition to the idea

internalize and mindlessly obey the rules and beliefs that established institutions and

promote authority figures. In the previous section, the comment that Trevor and Henry

offered about their experiences at school testify to this feeling. recognize both

which particular aspects of education are important. As opposed to denying education, the hierarchy

and authority overtly, they simply express aversion to the idea of allowing

school as an institution to carve them into certain types of people who have particular beliefs.

Holly, a 23-year-old high school graduate and service worker, also shares this idea:

…I got very good grades throughout school, but I never seemed to care. Is

not like it was anything important to me.

Why not?

I don't know...it just doesn't seem like a necessity. Education is important, but

educate yourself individually and read and research your own type of giveaways

in much more than trying to appease this specific direction that you are being taught

and this mindset that you have to stick with instead of learning on your own

and discover their own views on life.

With a very similar point of view, Bobby, a 21-year-old high school graduate who plays in a punk club

band and working a work job, said:

… I think [punk] just wants to ask questions. Usually there are many times when

come to the same conclusion, but you don't have to come to that conclusion. It is

why i like punk because you can come to whatever conclusion you want. that's what punk is

It's... well, it's individualism.

Eve finally suggests that while punk often entails resistance to agents who strive to impose

ideology and culture to people, does not translate into an inherent rejection of the established.

institutions as a whole. For her, punk rather means committing to break free from

outside influence so that she can formulate her own views:

…took me a few years and a few serious mistakes to realize it's not a punk

it must mean fuck this, you know, fuck fill in the blank. It doesn't just have to mean

to reject everything just because it might seem conforming to someone else.

...moving on from there, what has it come to mean for you as you have clarified

your thoughts on that?

It basically means… well, it definitely means that instead of just taking that knee

idiotic rejection reaction to things to really actively think about them and create

my own point of view, because, I don't know, as far as e.g. Christianity, I still

Most of my friends are not Christians and they don't see why I am.

But I still am, I have managed to incorporate it into my life and keep my faith.

system without... I don't know... without interfering with my ability to think. Like me

Don't use it to shoot, you know, the problems that I have or that I see in the world.

And I also don't think there's anything inherently wrong with, you know, e.g

academy for example. I mean... it's not... it's stupid that I ever thought that...

He cites his struggle to reconcile his punk identity with his Christian faith and his desire to

pursue an academic career, Eve says she's realized she doesn't need to

rejecting conventional institutions and systems of meaning to be punk. can still be assessed

and participate in them, but as a punk he agrees to do it on his own

conditions, choosing to embrace Christianity based on a personal will, not

pressure, and to choose academia as a career because it feels right to her, not because others

define it as valuable or safe. Others outside the subculture, she suggests, make such

choosing for the wrong reasons, succumbing to social pressure instead of allowing their hearts

guide them. Eva's comment, as well as Holly's and Bob's, is again indicative of an impulsive attitude.

locus of self, suggesting that while the drive reigns as to how punks appeal

their self-perceptions remain institutional framework relevant when participants see the rules

and the norms in them as values. Concretely, it appears that institutional norms are

subjectively transformed into values by the emotions that inspire acts of resistance and rejection.

Following his commitment to rejecting social influence and socialization,

The informants also demonstrated a dedication to leading lifestyles that were responsible for theirs

perceived as genuine, a value I have considered "reflexivity". Reflexivity was by far the one

most recurring and broad theme discovered during the study. The subjects commit themselves to it by preaching

their belief systems realized subjectively through everyday practice. draw a sharp

distinction between "being" and "doing", punks expressed great contempt for people who in their

points of view, they engage in contrived acting to gain social recognition. To put it another way,

the informants were of the opinion that all actions must follow from intrinsic and not instrumental

motivations (or, to use Turner's term, impulsive rather than institutional motivations). While

insisting that they could distinguish between people who were themselves and those who were

But they were simply playing roles for instrumental purposes, how exactly did they do that?

it was still something intangible. Although the informants could not identify specific qualities that

worn by people of the previous group, believed that the authentic individuals possessed one

nonchalant and confident attitude, a statement that reflects the way jazz musicians

distinguished between modern and square individuals in the ethnographic work done by Becker (1963).

In his studio, to be fashionable meant to possess a mystical attitude that could not be achieved through

education and contempt for conventional norms, where being square meant the opposite (Thornton

1997). When asked how he distinguished between authentic and inauthentic punks, Dickie said, for

for example said the following:

…it just shows, it shows when people just don't care when they try and

I think people who try to be something should stop trying and just be.

whoever they are. And people who are just who they are, maybe that's one

confidence in the way you present yourself to people. I certainly don't think so

I'm trying to do anything with my haircut right now [a coat of arms] and every person

me talking to whoever sees it is like 'oh'. You know, they're not like 'oh wow! It is

crazy - absurd! You know, they're kind of like 'yeah.' You know, like, it's new to

me, but then they say 'yes, it looks good'. You know it suits me.

Dickie's comment reflects the mysterious qualities of professional jazz musicians

attribute to each other. In another part of his interview, he criticized the people who adorned

in the normative punk style, whereas at the time of the interview she wore her own hair in a bun.

Mohican But he emphasized that he did not pose or make poses, that his hairstyle,

unlike some others, it reflected his real, internalized self. Your friends and others in

the subculture, he argued, could easily recognize this. However, my own observations revealed

little or nothing in the way of concrete qualities of attitude or behavior that distinguished them

called "authentic" punks from "inauthentic". Rather, participants seemed to attribute a

show coldness towards their own behavior and the behavior of their friends while disapproving

outsiders as conceived in an uncritical way that possessed no coherence or logic. You others

words, during the course of my investigation there was nothing tangible that differentiated Dickie's behavior or

stylistic representation regarding, for example, his mohawk, which he suited

ridiculous.

Dickie's comment, however, provides insight into punk's feelings versus style.

All the subjects express in one way or another that they must objectify their own image. This is

achieved in two ways. The first is through positive internal speculation, which involves

use a style that reflects one's unique and genuine being. The second aspect is negative.

disidentification, which visibly shows contempt for the things that punks oppose

collective rebellion. Because of their concern for reflexivity, the informants expressed extreme dissatisfaction

for people who used styles that were considered incompatible with their self-concepts. TO

continues to use Dickie as an example, during a punk show he meets two teenagers who i

from his point of view they displayed images to appear punk, while to him they lacked ideological elements

authenticity. He reacted very negatively and boldly condemned them. his reaction was

engendered by revulsion at their perceived attempts to project images of subcultural belonging

which he suspected did not reflect his true identity. Teenagers, he said, symbolized

high school culture that he deeply loathed because his fashionable clothes represented

Materialism and superficiality. I documented this altercation in my field notes:

...the girls turn around again and try to say something to Dickie [they had summoned

his attention several times before for no particular reason, probably because he was standing

very close to them]. Before his thoughts are over, Dickie removes one of his earplugs.

and ask how old they are. They inform him that they are 16 years old and ask him why he wants to know.

Before you answer, ask if they have high school the next day. They nod. - Because I believe

you're fucking retarded," then reply. He proceeds to punish them directly without any pretense

in any way. He tells them to "shut up" and move to the back.

of the place because "nobody cares that they're there," which reminds him of the girls

from their high school and that they "act like a bunch of fucking 12-year-olds." looking broken

they tilt their heads as he lunges at them, not seeming to know how to react. Finally as

Dickie's assault ends, the pink woman replies that she hopes he

he hurts himself in the hole. Dickie looks stunned and horrified. He pauses for a moment before saying

"yeah .... you know, me too", putting the ear piece back on... After this I realized that women

he moved further to our right and sought refuge with the Spanish-speaking boy from earlier. the three of

they began to make fun of Dickie. I could only make out random comments, but the gist of it

the conversation involved how Dickie considered himself "hardcore punk rock" which

seemed to have interpreted it negatively, in the sense of seriousness, rigidity, degree of difficulty and possibly

evilness. The Spanish-speaking guy stood up, looked at Dickie and said, "I'm a punk."

rock” in a mocking way. Fortunately, Dickie only seemed to pick this up from the corner

his eye, but nevertheless he understood that he was being mocked. Dickie continued to

he stares at the guy showing a disbelieving and angry look of intimidation. the boy turns around

to avoid eye contact, realizing he's caught Dickie's attention. continues dickie

Look at him, though he is turned away: the disgusted look remains unwavering. More

Moments later, he looks back to see that Dickie's eyes are locked on him like a guided missile.

He looks scared and turns away without turning back. Dickie keeps looking at him

yet another minute or two. Finally, he realizes that he has gained psychological control

battle, he redirects his gaze to the stage…

A few days later I asked Dickie in an interview why he had reacted against the young women in the

the way he did it, as well as a few other people on the show that he had apparently been with as well

problem taken. Answered:

I just decided they suck: snap judgement. Like, I heard them talk, I saw their trash,

cosmetic haircuts and wanted to kick their ass. I mean, it's the same set of ideas: punks

they are not clean, they do not comb their hair as they used to. they are bloody disgusting

and dirty. They wanted to be something they weren't. They obviously came from, like, [a

prosperous suburb] and they went to some store in Little Five Points to buy their clothes

they look punk, they spent hundreds of dollars on clothes and hair products, and they think they are

punks, that's complete bullshit. You know, that's not true at all, they just are

consumers, which to me is the worst classification. Yes...they are just a product of

consumer society... even when I send the hawk, the other where it turns into anything

where I have to comb it, I just shave it, send the room monkey later. There

it's no use... it's no use having to get up and comb your hair. what the hell -

it's damn weird.

Two things are noteworthy about this sweating tendency and Dickie's subsequent explanation.

First, Dickie wrote that the teenagers in the parade were illegitimate because he thought they

"They tried to be something they weren't." For him, punk did not reflect his true personality.

Rather, he believed that they depended on stylistic accessories to fit into a social society.

category. In short, I suspected they had assumed, not created, their punk identities

to look cool. Second, although I did not have the opportunity to speak with the two young men

women he ridiculed, their responses suggested a similar dedication to reflexivity. After

Dickie mocked them, both the women and his friends mocked him for trying to throw

himself as a "hardcore punk". In other words, they also accused Dickie of acting, of trying to

creating a particular perception of themselves that was inconsistent with who they thought they really were.

This particular incident therefore emphasizes the point that authenticity has no

properties. It's not something that some people either have or don't have. Rather, the participants

build it and negotiate it with respect for an ideological system that values rejection, reflexivity

and self-discovery.

A final remark regarding styling is also in order. Explains what drew them to punk

music unlike other genres, almost all interviewees referred to the human qualities of punk

Music and punk shows. This is directly related to the ideal of reflexivity which emphasizes

sincerity and reality over artifice and performance. Henry, Bobby, Ian and Charlie spoke up

long on the allure of attending local shows with local bands, degrading

commercial bands on tour for various reasons. They claimed the music worked too

produced and influenced, which makes it difficult to empathize and identify. Not being able to

think playing it they rejected commercial music as instrumentally driven and

inauthentic This is also consistent with an impulsive ego locus, which Turner (1976) argues that

in terms of performance such individuals find technical perfection repulsive and instead

admire the music and art that show the human frailties of the artists. Those who root themselves-

performances in institutions, on the other hand, experience and express their "real self" through

infallibility. Similarly, informants expressed disdain for the way popular gangs

they grew up and built themselves up as supermen. Charlie especially said he was

was routinely offended when people treated him like a rock star after playing shows with his

local band. It was important that the subjects, on the contrary, could relate to the musicians

which they listened to as human beings.

This also applied to the exhibitions. The big rock concerts, the interviewees claimed, were

impersonal. Charlie said he played most of his shows and saw most of the shows with his

friends, which made it much easier to relate to music that I knew about from personal experience

what was sung I remember one of the first Rolling Stones concerts that he attended with his father,

Ian stated that between the large amount of participants present and the physical distance

between him and the band he felt faceless and alienated. But when you go to punk shows,

claimed that he could see the band members up close, along with all their imperfections

and human qualities—and he also knew they could see it. He said this did

more real and powerful experience for him. This sentiment was especially true for the participants

who regularly participated in local DIY shows. Describe the experience of serving them, Tom

said the following:

By going to a DIY show, you are a participant from the start, from the moment you enter.

through that door you are expected to respond to all stimuli. You cannot expect to become one

passive observer at a punk concert: the band won't let you. they must drive

puts you in the grave or makes you dance... you go to a show and sing

very loud because it's the same song that played on your front porch last time.

evening. She wasn't acting when she did it, but she wasn't performing then, was she?

is she really acting now? And then you start thinking about it, and they all are

to do is to share these beautiful songs that we have written together or shared by some

importance within this small group of friends. And it's a bit like DIY and punk.

has come to mean to me. It's like you're actively involved and everyone there wants to be

attend, and that's what makes it different from going to a bar show. go to a house

show, you must want to be there, because that house has no heat, the kitchen is

probably dirty, the bathroom probably won't work and your beer will be stolen,

And when you don't put the five bucks in a donation because you're broke,

someone will give you a hard time about it, but you don't care, you're fine

with him, because that is the form of artistic expression that we have built, and that is how it is

we live it and that's how we interact with it.

Tom understreger den aktive karakter af DIY-punkshows i forhold til store koncerter. i modsætning

as a passive observer participating in pure consumption, the punk shows obligatory participation,

forcing people to participate in the construction of the global experience. DIY cultural production

it also allows punks to constitute their experiences as real. Tom claimed that because he

personally knows the people who appear in such shows, he has no doubts about theirs

reasons and claim that they are truly expressing themselves and not acting artificially. Corresponding

He claimed to know that other assistants are also real given the strictures the premises are under

which DIY shows are held. Such comments indicate the degree to which punks feel as if

they have little control over what is real versus what is fake or just for sale, and

how the DIY ethic allows them to overcome these feelings in a big way.

To continue in this direction, given their valuing of being versus doing, the punks i

The study strongly rejected the idea of "assumed identities" which essentially take shape

estate. They are not original, they are built by others and therefore not personally reflective.

Instead, the informants argued that the sense of self should arise organically through a process

active and personal creation. When asked how he separated insiders from outsiders i

local DIY scene, Charlie, for example, categorized posers as:

… people who just don't start new ideas, they don't try to create, you can see that.

If there is a lot of worship, if they treat these new bands as rock

stars, it's like you don't understand the point of this; that's exactly what we are

reject

Charlie claims that real punks can be distinguished from unreal ones by the extent to which they

they create versus consume. He defines those who try to develop new ideas and build

the community as authentic, while those who simply consume and fetishize their products, such as

his band, they miss the point and the point of the subculture in their opinion.

Other empirical work on punk has attributed this sentiment, which typically manifests in

an acute rejection of consumerism and materialism, of a political resistance project based on

in an anti-capitalist mood. Moore (2007) argues that the spirit of DIY allows for a public sphere

among young people to develop, where they organize and express their dissidence

views on critical societal issues. Although several interviewees expressed their disagreement with

capitalism as an economic system and certainly used the subculture to cultivate symbolic space

where to challenge the dominant ideology my findings suggest that the ideas of rejection and

reflexivity is based much more on a commitment to authenticity as a cultural ideal and to

cultivating and propagating a self-concept rooted in impulse rather than political disagreement. when discussing

the value and importance of bricolage as a cultural ethos, informants tended to claim that it allowed them to

separating the real from the fake and creating their own identities instead of buying

ones that were manufactured for mass culture that didn't feel "true" to them. They too

suggested that it facilitated their abilities to live up to their ideals rather than engage in one

lifestyle that was incompatible with their ideologies. While many also praised DIY as a means

to subvert consumer capitalism, and it was clearly secondary to self-expression

and authenticity more broadly.

Sarah, a 23-year-old writer and barista with a few college credits, said, for example

that the DIY ethos contributed to his self-realization project. She claimed that DIY

community allowed people to define themselves in an ideal way without being dependent on

conventional outlets for validation, as barriers often prevent people from

construction of desirable identities. Identified herself as a writer and lived with various artists, she noted

that it was very difficult for most people to have a successful existence like any of them. in American

society, this is problematic, as we generally define ourselves, to a large extent, through our

jobs, the general lifestyle choices we make, and the larger institutions we are a part of

(Rubin 1994; Turner 1976). However, DIY allows people to bypass social validation when

trying to build favorable self-concepts. If one lacks the connections or the talent required in

Publishing a book serves as a coping mechanism for participating in a DIY community

Allows participants to anchor their self-perceptions in alternative institutions or in an alternative

place completely. Sarah, for example, ran a monthly magazine that featured her poetry and

Given his popularity both inside and outside the local community, he said so

Publishing her work allowed her to feel like a true writer, not just a barista. an innovator

adaptation to the social problem of self-definition in a world of limited opportunities, bricolage

The ethos thus allows individuals to bypass the exits that people conventionally accept

formulate self-perceptions.

Bourdieu (1993) discusses this idea in his theory of “fields of cultural production”.

field refers to a network of social relations organized around a particular practice, i.e

largely independent of the larger social structure. Two types of logic govern culture.

production: "heteronymous", whereby commercial sales and honors awarded by

authorities confer legitimacy, and "autonomous," whereby legitimacy is conferred by a

circle of fellow artists, writers or critics who recognize eminence. He claims that the two fields

or logics are in constant competition with each other. For Sarah and other DIY communities

establish an independent area of cultural production which “enables people to become

participants and performers rather than just consumers and spectators, regardless of ability,

experience or commercial viability, enabling people with poor communication skills to speak

their minds…” (Moore 2007; p.448).

In general, the tenant of reflexivity emphasizes that individuals develop and respect their

own system of beliefs and values. While the subjects expressed feelings of disgust and frustration

for a number of issues related to inequality and social injustice, as mentioned above, seemed

have the greatest contempt for an abysmal ignorance and apathy which they felt bleeding

through society. My findings suggest that punks tend to think that people in the mainstream

they take for granted almost all the norms, values and beliefs into which they have been socialized—

never question its purpose or validity. When asked why he was drawn to the spirit of DIY, for

For example, Glenn reported the following thoughts:

…as Americans we are fed so much garbage whether it is from our families or from ours

church, or our schools, and the media, of course, good Lord. It is not very frequent,

even for young people now who really wonder why we live this way, why we are

in the position that we're in globally, so I think it's really important for people

questions the methods we use around the world, things like that, and I think for a long time

guys when you get into punk is when you really start questioning those things and

really challenging themselves, challenging their beliefs... I mean getting out of the way

read a Howard Zinn book or push yourself to read Noam Chompsky or

something, and maybe read an alternative history or alternative view of religion there

we are not necessarily force-fed by school or religion or anything like that. AND

Definitely, once you get into punk, those things start to happen, you surround yourself with people who

challenges your beliefs and it challenges you to look at things more thoroughly…

While he feels that the implication of such susceptibility to groupthink and

foolishness is dangerous, punks seem to see the resulting waste of human potential

of such passivity as much more, if not least, disturbing. Thus almost all the subjects

Sixty-five

suggested that punk ideology does not assume an inherent form. Rather, it simply involves reformulating one

informed individuality. But many noted that punks are often aligned with leftists.

beliefs. However, subcultural participants are recognized as authentic when they draw theirs

own conclusions about life and stick to them, not when they adopt prefabricated views.

What those conclusions are doesn't seem to matter as long as people "do their own thing", which

the following passage, taken from Henry's interview, is proof.

…it's kind of an oxymoron, being punk rock and following the rules, there are no rules!

...you do things on your own terms...there are some punk rockers in bands and they are

Republicans, they do their thing, you know. You know, you might not agree

with them at whatever level, but they do their thing and they don't

following a pattern, that sort of thing. I know punk rockers who are Christians, you

You know, there are no rules for this sort of thing... You do your own thing on your own terms.

because of their own beliefs. And that's what punk rock is to me...

In support of this view, Ian expressed the following thoughts when discussing what punk meant to him:

him, and whether or not it involved a particular set of beliefs:

What does it mean to be punk? I know it sounds cliché, but really it just means being

yourself and not settle for what people would expect from you, but with what

you would expect from yourself. My parents always expected me to be a doctor or

something like that and it wasn't my thing. Although they always tell you to make an effort

the best you can and stuff like that, I did the best I could. But it wasn't me

sought. What I wanted, what I really wanted, was to be a teacher and go along

to. And even though everyone tells you, you know, teachers don't get paid much, they

I don't do much, it's not really a profession to be admired, I thought, 'well, damn

That's what I want to do, that's where I think I'll find myself, and that's what I want to do.

the there.

Does it even matter what you want to do?

No. As long as you are true to yourself, as long as you feel good doing it, you must

keep doing it. I mean, of course, there's always the moral problem with that as well

illegal drugs or crime or all that, but really punk is the idea that you do what you want

I want to do. I will add to that, just for the straight edge on me, do what you will

we want to do for the best of the world. I mean, I would add that to it, but really in

the sense of punk and the ideas of why it started and stuff, it's just 'I gotta do what I wanna do'.

want to do' and that's it.

Both Henry and Ian argue that punk does not imply a specific set of beliefs, values or practices.

Instead, the punk ideology is simply that individuals should stay true to themselves and live their lives

live accordingly. Interviewees also stated that reflexivity, when achieved subjectively, entails

a sense of efficiency. Blake referred to his immersion in punk as "self-actualization" and Cooper

reported that when he discovered punk, he felt empowered and ultimately connected to a culture

that reflected what Trevor defined a punk as someone who "stays true no matter what" and

then he discussed the importance of being aware of such a mindset had created in his life.

Kathleen eventually said that "I think I felt empowered to be someone who was a little bit

different because they were all a bit generic and boring. Empowerment stems from

the emancipation that entails the rejection of the dominant social conditioning. Strive to understand your own

be real and be accountable to him, instead of following society's norms.

recipes, bring meaning and understanding to the lives of punks. This reflects the change

which Turner (1976) believes spreads through post-industrial societies then

attitudes, feelings and desires replace much of the meaning and positive affect that sustains

particular positions within social systems once they are created.

A final facet of the ideological commitment that emerged in my research is considered "self-

updating". This strand of ideology implies a moral commitment to self-discovery and is

closely associated with both the ideals of resistance and reflexivity. Actually while I have inserted

extracts from the interviewees' comments at specific points throughout the document to

emphasize particular points, these ideological values become very confused. Each one more or

less, can be found in all the statements I have offered. Punks hunt and subjective

achieve self-actualization through positive internal speculation and negative disidentification. He

The ultimate goal is to develop a self-concept outside of social influence. Cooper, in the next

passage, explains this dimension of punk ideology:

…Ideas of truth are really important. Punks are always looking for the truth, but they still have to

finding that truth in these power relations... the truth that punks seek is derivative truth

from within... a truth that creates real change. It is what we as [individuals] learn

through experience... [punk] is a utopia that can be open to everyone, a kind of paradise that

Everyone can achieve if they just participate in the process, the process has no limits,

it is only the eternal quest to find the truth, the objective truth in itself, even if that truth

contradicts another's truth.

Again in line with Turner's (1976) portrayal of an impulsive locus of the self, Cooper et al.

respondents believed that one should discover their true self through deep introspection

rather than reaching or achieving it through the fulfillment of social roles. like resistance and

reflexivity, suggests the self-actualizing tenant that punks have built and negotiated

an ideological system according to the way they experience their personal realities.

For them, some feelings and actions seem to feel more real and meaningful than others:

impulse rather than obligation, internal rather than external, and so on.

The subculture's ideological tenants also reflect the conceptual portrait of the authentic

ideal that Taylor (1991) discusses in The Ethics of Authenticity.3 Tracing the origins of this ideal

and given how it has been represented in society, he argues that authenticity implies:

creation and construction, originality and resistance to society's rules. it could

I essentially replace my terms—resistance, reflexivity, and self-actualization—with Taylor's.

the vernacular clearly shows the extent to which the punk ideology reflects the ethos of authenticity

present in the wider social environment. As discussed in Chapter Three, it appears that

3 Taylor's work on authenticity explores the origins of individualism and the drive for authentic identity in many

contemporary society. Much of his work is dedicated to criticizing and rethinking the notion that individualism undermines traditional values, social obligations and community bonds. At the center of his argument is the concept

that since self-concepts are formed dialogically, the achievement of "authenticity" requires great social engagement

in opposition to a radical push inward. In his view, the cultural ideal of authenticity arose with intellectual work.

by romantic philosophers such as Rousseau and Herder.

The emergence of authenticity as a cultural ideal, as Taylor (1991) argues, is due at least i

part of the spread of romantic aesthetics. From my point of view, the rising trend is among

actors to anchor their self-perceptions in deeply felt drives rather than institutional institutions.

framework, a trend that seems to hold for both subcultural participants and those

who primarily participate in "mainstream" culture, reflect the prominence of the ideal. But if

we think of self-perceptions as residing on a continuum that possesses both an impulsive and a

institutional pole, it seems that the punks in my study anchored their identities much more closely

before those more firmly caught up in "mainstream" culture, which leads them to

perhaps repeating the cultural ideal of authenticity in a distorted and amplified form.

That punk ideology is not necessarily about social justice, but instead rejects it

authoritarianism because of its interference with the pursuit of self-expression and self-actualization,

it reflects the culture of authenticity that Taylor writes about in other ways as well. Taylor

argues that the philosophies of moral subjectivism and liberal neutrality characterize our present

cultural orientations. These expressions mean that people believe that they should not interfere

the attempts of others to live life as they see fit and that social institutions must remain neutral

on questions about what is "the good life". This is consistent with an increasingly common

metaphysical orientation in society that sees reality as variable and solipsistic rather than

constant and shared across institutional frameworks. In another sense, then, the ideal of

authenticity that circulated through romantic philosophies and then spread throughout

Society seems to have influenced the ideology of punk, as participants were reluctant to make a firm choice.

moral or ethical position to any concrete ideological position. Instead of doing that, the punks, as mentioned

above, hold that one is authentic and moral as long as he follows his rules

own production. These parallels and my findings regarding ideology in general support

proposition developed in my "becoming punk" chapter, which suggests that the subculture

perhaps it represents an innovation rather than a rebellion of adaptation to social problems.

By highlighting the continuity between punk culture and "mainstream" culture,

However, I do not mean to suggest an epidemiological model of the subculture. In other words, I

I do not wish to suggest that the Romantic intellectuals transferred "authenticity" as a concept or

value to lower-order social actors who subsequently internalized it. To do so would possess

little internal validity since other philosophical currents that emphasize progress and

rationality moved through society at the same time as the romantic, driving, for example, the

industrial revolution. Rather, I theorize that the ideal of authenticity arose and continues

they arise in common among intellectuals and myriads of others in post-industrial societies. Yo

they see it as shared by "dominant" and "subcultural" actors that manifest in different ways,

and find expression in several channels for different people. In contrast to its coexistence with

other ideational paradigms, but based on the evidence presented in chapter three, I think so

continues to develop great prominence within advanced industrial societies, particularly among

postmaterialist middle class.

Although exactly why authenticity has become important to so many people remains unclear.

Beyond the scope of this study, there is much room for speculation. Considering my review of

relevant literature, I postulate that changes in the nature of social integration in mass societies, due

mainly to the shift from production to consumer-oriented economies - has declined

the interdependence between people and the set of shared experiences they can draw from

they pull to jointly construct reality, destabilize their senses of what is real and thus push

to look elsewhere for truth and meaning (Turner 1976). I also suspect that the development

in late modernity/postmodernity has exacerbated this fragmentation of reality by

to saturate people, inundating them with endless possibilities for creating identities (Gergen 1991),

and essentially commoditize everything that exists, leading to the "radical reflexivity" discussed.

in my review of the literature on authenticity (Allan 1998). Such developments seem to have

profoundly changed the way people experience their personal realities and enlivened them

prioritizing the value of feelings and impulses over cognitions and institutions. - Authenticity,

then perhaps it arose as a desirable, or perhaps even necessary, cultural value that works

stabilize reality and refocus individual self-perceptions. In later chapters I will develop

why it appears to be exceptionally desirable, or again, perhaps even necessary, to those who

decided to join the punk subculture.

A final point regarding punk ideology deserves to be addressed. After giving an outline

Based on the construction of authenticity that emerged from the survey respondents, one question remains

with regard to whether people participating in other groups define and intend

they achieve subjective authenticity differently than punks do. The question has two answers.

First, I suggest that Taylor's ideal of authenticity, based on a devotion to creation and

construction, originality and resistance to society's rules, have become more and more

important to people from all walks of life in advanced industrial societies, manifesting in self-

notions that are rooted in impulses rather than institutions. In other words, this is my opinion

most people, regardless of their group affiliation, would define authenticity in such a way that more

less matches how punks see it.

However, the second part of the answer is that while unique activities, values and ends

guiding participation in other subcultures and social worlds, punk is about authenticity. He

the subculture's ideological system, embodied in the bearings of rejection, reflexivity and self-

update, suggests that punks more or less exclusively pursue authenticity as their end. IN

in other words, while those from other subcultures insist that participants demonstrate

commitments to their respective styles and ideologies, punk lacks a unique set of activities or

goals you can really commit to. For example, Williams (2006) found that participants in

The collective miniatures and card game subculture considered authentic players as those who played for the game.

love of the game rather than those who played to win, which for the participants meant a genuine

interest in these activities. But for punks, authenticity means simply making one

commitment to the larger cultural ideal as conceptualized by Taylor. Punk thus represents a

subculture of authenticity at its core: a group of people who have come together to share in one

self-realization project. However, it should be noted that this provides a very emic account of how they

within the subculture they build authenticity. There are certain stylistic accessories that last

scholars have discussed, such as certain bands, political causes, clothing styles, etc.

further, which helps establish one as authentic in contrast to others (see e.g. Fox 1987 or

Baron 1989). But in the minds of the participants, authenticity simply means being yourself.

regardless of the consequences, in the broadest sense of the idea.

CHAPTER EIGHT

CONCERT AS VALIDATION RITUALS

The previous two sections have revealed how the punk subculture is oriented around the goal

to achieve true individuality. Having internalized the values that Taylor enunciates in The

Culture of authenticity, punks seem to believe that they are imbued with inner beings that

manifest through subcultural participation. Instead of constituting individuality, punk

reflects latent and nascent self-concepts and serves as a tool for further exploration

and develop them. So far I have revealed two ways it does this. First, you need to create one

supportive framework that provides social acceptance and encourages critical thinking and

introspection. This validates alternative ideas that people struggle with before entering

in subcultural participation. For example, Holly said she thought she was "crazy."

before he became a punk because he could not find a normative outlet or support for the emotions and

believe he had:

…I thought for a moment I was going crazy thinking about certain things

aspects of life and community that I wanted for myself that no one else thought were

important or my family didn't understand and I thought I was crazy. I believed no one

another sees it that way; I must be thinking wrong. But then I met other people there

had the same views as me and we wanted to have legitimate discussions so I didn't

feel so isolated anymore.

In the quoted passage, Holly described how the punk community supported her endeavours

free yourself from the common sense world of conventional society to discover yours

true nature – which provides a crucial validation function. Second, many punk communities

establish autonomous fields of cultural production that give legitimacy to particular identities

and cultural artifacts based on peer approval as opposed to commercial or institutional success.

sanctioning For example, if a person really believes that they are a writer, they can realize it

aspect of her identity by creating and distributing zines in a DIY community. Similarly, if a

another person truly believes they are a musician, they can validate that aspect of themselves

perform in house shows and internalize the approval of other members of society

assign. Punk thus supports the project of achieving an authentic identity both ideologically and

socially.

But while the cultural practices and belief systems that emerge from punk

subculture supports the search for authentic identity, in themselves they cannot compensate the participants

from the radical reflexivity that Giddens (1991) writes about, or the social saturation

that Gergen (1991) complains about the set of symbols one chooses to represent him or her

its identity Giddens argues that the self was deeply embedded in the social environment before

modernity. In late modernity, however, it suggests that the individual is largely alone, the being

"For free." He confirms that there are several options, but few institutional guides to define

progress or justice in terms of one's life choices or sense of self (Allan 2006). Though

he suggests that we live in a postmodern condition, while Giddens argues that we do not

But to the left of modernity, Kenneth Gergen makes quite similar arguments. Gergen claims that small

communities oriented around face-to-face interaction have largely disappeared today

community. Instead, the new communication technologies have come to flood us with one

an unprecedented amount of social input. As mechanical communities dissolve, while information

technology advances inexorably, claims that humans are spatially disconnected in a way

which has never been before, at the same time as they come closer in a big way

virtual world. Like the number of relationships and value systems that we are exposed to

increases as a result, our ability to maintain a small set of roles and identities is compromised,

leading to "multiphrenia". In other words, Gergen suggests that our social worlds are

increasingly heterogeneous, causing them to lose their objectivity. This he claims,

causes individuals to embrace more values but feel less confident about them, putting pressure on them

abandon the modernist search for universal truth and instead embrace a kind of superficial relativism.

This line of thinking is similar in many ways to Turner's (1976) argument for a change in

autoloci of people because of the turbulence that creeps into long-standing social institutions.

Based on these arguments, in this section of the article I discuss how punks achieve

ontological security regarding the identities and values they have chosen

themselves. As anticipated in the introduction, the quest for authenticity turns out to be incredible

demanding given that individuals in the modern world can choose from a substantial infinity of

roles, identities and values to represent themselves. Moreover, internalized one

crippling doubt about almost everything that exists, Allan (1998), like Giddens, affirms that

they have directed a reflexivity towards our senses of self. Living in a culture full of

constant change and doubt and complicated due to social saturation, like Gergen, he

He claims that the individual has come to doubt the objectified self.

People who identify as punk, or with any other group for that matter, elsewhere

words, they must constantly ask themselves about the set of symbols they have chosen as

the identity truly represents them themselves. Since there are generally more alternatives

as viable and attainable as the identities people have provisionally chosen for themselves and

that symbols and styles are relentlessly sold to individuals for consumption, the feeling of

the self is constantly suspicious of other possibilities. Instability within social institutions

from work to family makes people's ability to develop a sense of certainty about

their notions of themselves are even more problematic. Turner (1976) points out that social roles and identities

begin to feel less real when surrender to them ceases to provide certain rewards or offer new ones

He also argues that important initiation rites in them have become largely

pro-forma, which turns out to be of little relevance and, if not, unlocks new privileges or guarded

information—events that once infused institutional roles with great importance and

the identity of those present. As such, Allan argues that people are motivated to buffer

reflexivity by creating a sense of directly experienced reality.

He criticizes existing postmodern scholarship, arguing that much of it overemphasizes

The role of cognitive reason in the construction of reality. Instead, it postulates that the construction of reality is

it is mainly based on affect-meaning. In other words, it suggests that reality is

ultimately emotional and must be experienced as "really real" (Geertz 1973). For Alan, the

loci of affect-meaning are collective assemblages that function as unusually powerful stimuli

that overcomes the self through collective effervescence also charges cultural symbols with meaning.

He goes on to state that it is through ritual that individuals temper reflexivity. Thereby,

the culture stabilizes and people no longer need to question which symbols are right

symbols in themselves. In other words, reality is saved from doubt (Kidder 2006). In it

In the remainder of this section, I discuss the ritualistic nature of punk concerts. drawing by me

field notes, I first try to illuminate the experience of attending a punk concert. then I reveal

and discuss how these programs rank high in the criteria Collins uses to assess success

rituals and argues that they function to constitute punk identities as objectified truths rather than

to small uncertainties. At the end of the chapter, we again take from Turner (1976) social-

psychological work on oneself, I maintain that punk concerts generate emotional feelings

states that cultivate fertile ground for subcultural participants to implant their self-concepts,

serving as an alternative to anchoring them in unstable and unpredictable institutions in which

they generally occupy only marginal status.

The experience of going to a punk show: excerpts from field notes

Finally, the lights dim and the overture to the new Bad Religion CD begins to play. He

the audience begins to cheer wildly as the five band members slowly and nonchalantly take the stage.

Singer Greg is wearing black pants and a button-down shirt. He has short dark hair and

glasses. Brookes, the drummer, wears a gray T-shirt and moves immediately behind his drummer.

Jay, the bass player, wears green pants and a black T-shirt. Brian, a guitarist, wears green shorts.

and a red T-shirt with a shaved head. The other guitarist is wearing a gray T-shirt and jeans and has

medium length blonde hair. All the band members are between 30 and 40 years old and very good looking

calm and peaceful. No one, except maybe the guitarists, have a particular punk look to them though

they possess an ineffable quality that somehow sets them apart from others.

Before our arrival, I joked with everyone that the show would be crazy and

it would kick our ass. After Rise Against I didn't particularly expect this though. He

The crowd was good, but tame compared to a lot of shows I attend. Anyway, the overture

comes to an end and anticipation reigns. The crowd seems to be ready and waiting for the band to do it

attack their instruments and throw us into a world of chaos. Moments later, they get their wish.

Chaos erupts en masse. As I expected, they start with "Sinister Rouge". before I can think

about this and rejoice in my warning, yet I am thrown before the crowd. it feels

thousands of other bodies crush me - suffocating - against the infinitely dense wall of these

Backstage. I underestimated the crowd, everyone has lost their minds. I really can't see

nothing or look at my surroundings; all effort is focused on breathing and loosening

separate myself from the mass of people I am trapped in. I struggle in vain for a brief moment.

Movement at this point is simply impossible. Bodies crash into us every second and exterminate

our sense of direction. Suddenly the temperature has risen tenfold. I'm going out

here” is the only thought I can muster.

I finally manage to get out of the mix of bodies that were fused together and

move backwards, towards the hole. Unlike Rise Against, it now includes a large number of spinning bodies

around at the speed of light in an uncontrollable fervor. I can't even get into it. I can't even think.

I just need to move somewhere. I manage to move a little to the right in front of where I have

minimal clearance and room to breathe. My effort required the length of the entire song. Without

Hesitantly, they start with the second song on their new album. Now that I have at least

minimal freedom of action over my body movements, I try to immerse myself in the music. I try

Nevertheless. It's still hard at this point as I haven't achieved that pinnacle of experience yet

where I lose myself and just become one with the crowd and the music. I finally catch a clear one

no glimpse of the well and my other immediate surroundings, no sign of Tonto, Dickie, or Jack, who

A few minutes ago he lived next to me.

The hole is crazy. I didn't seem to notice any of the people on it as we stood.

in the crowd. I have no idea where they came from, but they look older, tougher and more real.

possesses a tightness and intensity that is difficult to describe. The audience seems united and

albeit benevolently. People fall every few seconds. Faced with the possibility of trampling

it even appears, but several people have rushed to pick them up. And as soon as they

get both feet back on the ground, they slam dance again. Almost everyone dances traditionally

punk fashion, but they do it with a fervor that can't even compare to what happened

during Rise Against. The fear of being punched in the face strikes again, but I dismiss it and brace myself.

myself to the show. I start doing my thing. However, at this point it is still difficult to do so.

To achieve this, one must react strongly to those around them and stay powerful.

calm yourself. None of this implies malice, but if I don't prepare, I fall and

thrown over the well. It seems to come naturally when I'm incredible at a show, but this

just started and they haven't played anything yet that would trigger that behavior in me. So

my dance is therefore real, but somewhat tame. To put it another way, they throw me

around.

They finish the song and start another without pause. In a few moments my legs become

tangled with two others' and we fall to our knees, almost on my face.

Somehow, all our legs have become a slip knot that we cannot undo. Some

several people fall on top of me while others inadvertently step on us. Although it most likely is

the earth for just a moment, feels like minutes. I reach out, unable to pull

stand up on your own. Finally, two people pull me up and out, and then I start over. i already

feel hot and tired. Participating in this is not an easy task. I push forward to try

He takes a breath, but it's useless. The well compresses me against all the others. I finally see a fool

here. He smiles and then pushes me back into the well. I almost fell again, landing in the middle

he. Someone steps on my shoe and falls. All that comes to mind is "shit". I don't think it does.

restore. It takes several moments to nudge people to pick it up. This includes

only half the battle. The real task is to put it back on.

More people stomp on my foot as I crawl out of the hole, furiously chasing after

a shelter where I can relocate my only means of protection against impending broken toes. TO

A few people sense my dilemma and pull me in, driving everyone else away. hold

my arms as I put the shoe back on. Yet people endlessly bump into us and do homework

difficult and long. Finally I am successful and relief occurs. That's what I love about these

shows – camaraderie, whether it's as simple as helping someone put on a shoe or pick one up

companion. Ironically, the individuality that punk seems to be based on is temporary

suspended while we fight for collectivism. The individual loses meaning, and we work on it

ensure the robustness and liveliness of the whole. The hole and its surrounding areas are similar

a kind of super-organism that moves and reacts to a common sublimated force: the bond. He

dictates the nature of the movement and everyone takes care of the damaged parts of the unit.

The band starts with another song, again, without breaking up as the third ends. finally me

see both Dickie and Arnold. Arnold emerges from the sea of bodies beside me. We smile at each

Other things. He waves his fist in the air and somehow manages to disappear as quickly as his presence.

red I see Dickie in the pit to my left. He carries a dark presence there as always.

seems to do. Stands in the middle and doesn't really participate. Everyone in the pit can do that

avoid it. Perhaps you need to see this with your own eyes, but it is a picturesque experience.

observation. I can offer a corny and ridiculous parallel: when Kurt Russell crosses

battlefield in "Tombstone", miraculously managed to dodge all the bullets fired at him. He

He looks tired. Although she does not participate fully in the intense dance that engulfs the whole

the space around it, it moves with the current, taking the general direction of the well into its

As the song begins to slow down, the pit eventually drops a bit. All

it needs power again. I take the opportunity and move to the open space to capture my

breath. I'm meeting Dickie. He looks at me, his eyes revealing both fatigue and excitement.

Give me five. This will happen several times during the night. symbolizes a lot

of things, I think: recognition of our position and participation in this force as a vortex,

recognition of our survival and recognition of the effervescent emotion catalyzed by

the physical presence of one of our favorite bands.

I also see Toro shortly before the end of the song. He stands at the edge of the well and

He approaches us as the song ends. Bad Religion decides to give us a moment to capture ours

breath. They ask how we are and stuff, but I don't think any of us really listen. say a lot

to me he is "fucking tired". At least I am too, and the band has only played too few

minutes. The interlude only lasts a few moments, but it allows me to revitalize and recover.

After this I feel clear for some reason. For the rest of the show, I feel at one with the audience.

become a part of it. He no longer resists me and regurgitates me and I feel legit

participant. This happens when they start playing again and start into "Modern Man", one of mine

Favorite songs. Apparently everyone else is enjoying it too. It seems to last only a few seconds.

My body, lacking freedom and control, is thrown into the crowd. My mental orientation is fading

too, and objective thought gradually loses prominence and possibility. I feel more like it just is

experimenting now, it becomes difficult to analyze.

The rest of the show is a blur. I remember several notable events that happened, but my

the memory of his command is unreliable and hazy. Generally energetic and manic

dance created a sense of danger and urgency, and the unrestrained and jarring body contact

created a cathartic experience that allowed for liberation. In the end, I think that the element of the situation

the danger and heat cultivated a sense of survival which massively amplified our emotions

sympathize with each other. The sheer power, unanimity and collective leadership of the crowd

focus inspired awe, in addition. As my writing reveals, in relation to the group, my friends and I

it became powerless, with the hollow controlling our bodily movements and emotions.

The band played for over an hour with an encore. After the first set,

the crowd screamed madly for them to come back. Me, exhausted at the time, and after hearing “Fuck

Armageddon... This is Hell”, one of my favorite songs, I almost didn't want them back

outside. However, they played more to please the audience. Silly and Dickie worked

somewhat shares this sentiment. Silly, both before and after the encore, he told me he wanted to

even though he had "kicked himself in the butt". I felt the same way. The band eventually went to a thunder

applause. I felt tired and hot and beaten, but alive and amazing. I felt one with this group of

people I had never met before and I also felt like I had updated some of mine

principles, beliefs, feelings and emotions when participating in the experience. The group claimed

and supported our behavior. After another favorite song, "Generator", for example, a couple

guys patted me on the back, random people I'd danced with in the pit. subtle targets for

approval and praise which went a long way, spread a feeling of respect and approval,

it looked like.

Everyone seemed palpably happy after the show, and everyone, though they spoke little,

agree on its genius. When we went back to the car, even Dickie, as almost universal

he takes some sort of issue with the shows he attends, comments that he had fun. He also adds that

he is tired and bruised and will most likely call into work the next day to call in sick. Fortunately, I can do that

drive back to Athens and study for an exam. Although the stakes were high in that test, almost

he completely forgot about it during the show. When he moved into consciousness, he simply left

I recognized that my presence on the show outweighed its importance – strange… how we prioritized.

Maybe he was just caught up in the moment.

The importance of the concerts

In keeping with the cultural goal of authenticity, the interactive nature of punk concerts,

where the participants exchange emotional energies with each other in order to develop

exuberant emotions, encourages punks' self-development projects by dampening reflexivity

against their self-perceptions and allows them to anchor their self-perceptions

within deeply felt impulses and emotions. During the concerts, the new subcultural participants worked

to facilitate and explore new self-understanding, while more experienced participants

confirmed the existing ones. Going to shows conferred and affirmed feelings of self-worth and

identity among punks that constitute them as real. In the following section, Cooper describes how

The concerts gave him the opportunity to express himself and prove the validity of his new punk style.

to be.

Shows were very important to me, experiencing bands was something I needed to try.

to myself that I was a punk. Here there was no pride; I had to categorically decide

himself if he was real and if that's what he wanted to be and the only way he could do it

was to see if I could experience the same intensity of emotion that I felt others could

I feel...actually I decided I was a punk because I lived it. I bled face to face, me

I froze at NOFX, yelled at Bad Religion - I was there, man, I identified myself and

I participated and experimented ... [that was how] I expressed my identity."

By regularly attending concerts, Cooper engaged in a process of self-discovery. Realizing

that punk reflected aspects of what he perceived as his pre-existing personality, he attempted to

catechetically assert their identity. The intense emotions he experienced during the shows.

subjectively it affirmed authentic individuality and constituted its identity as real. In other words,

after going through the physical and emotional experiences of the shows, I no longer needed to

consider whether or not he was really a punk, or if punk really reflected his inner self

essence: I knew it because I felt it. If the experiences hadn't registered in it, probably

he would have sought another way of understanding his inner self. As Allan pointed out, for

Cooper, the construction of reality was based on affective meaning, not cognitive transmission. in a

Similarly, Ian affectively cemented his sense of self and subjectively cultivated authenticity by

fighting to be the "first person" to receive the energy released during the shows.

Can you tell us a bit about the experience of going to a performance, what it's like and what

are you coming out of it?

Oh man. If it's a band you know, you should always be up front.

It is significant. Awww... you will do anything to be ahead... That way, when

get on that little stage... awww... and they sing, you can feel the saliva on your face.

And you see the sweat, everything. You want to be there, you want to try to capture that energy

that they release You will try to be there to be the first to grab it.

And... you have your hands in the air, you're singing songs you don't even know

the words stop, but you are there. I mean, the guy next to you, they start pushing each other.

around and mush a bit there, but you're still right in front. It's like taking... it

the band releases all this energy and when you're first in front, you're first

who understands that and that's... that's where you want to be. That's where I always push

be... You'll be the one to get it and you won't miss a thing.

So... it's the best place to be. It's the greatest feeling in the world to be there.

Especially when it's one of your favorite bands and you know all the words, and

you sing, you grab the poor boy next to you, who knows what his

the name is but you hug and he signs with you you know... it's cool it's

it really is, it's just one of the greatest feelings in the world.

To do that, which Ian indicated, required the young teenagers to be beaten down and struggle to make it

Standing in front of the crowd during other points in his interview, he showed his commitment to his

own feelings and ideas that support their self-concept. Like Cooper, he developed a sense of

certainty of his identity because he represented what it meant to be punk through the ritual of the shows

it was "the greatest feeling in the world." Both Ian's and Cooper's comments agree

Turner's theorizing about the nature of self-perceptions, suggesting that rituals have come into being

largely devoid of meaning in institutional contexts, but more spontaneous, impulsive

-like rock concerts- replacing them with the aim of generating more

emotional states in which people directly experience the subjective reality of themselves.

Randall Collins (2004) theorizes that rituals are patterned sequences of behavior that

bring together four elements: common focus of attention, common emotional mood, high

ecological concentration and a fast pace of interaction. As these elements increase in intensity, so too

do the effects of interaction rituals. These effects include: group solidarity, group symbols,

feelings of morality, individual emotional energy and individual cultural capital (Allan 2006).

Punk concerts rate high on Collins' indicators of ritual intensity. By operating them,

participants increase their stores of emotional energy and cultural capital, which Ian

previous comment direct references. These effects allow participants to participate later

in more regular and involved social interactions as Collins postulates that the likelihood of a

the person seeking interaction is attached to these stores. This works directly to mitigate

social alienation that many participants feel before fully engaging with the subculture

and therefore supports the positive and functional role of subculture proposed by Matza and Sykes.

(1961).

Perhaps most importantly, Collins also suggests that we develop the senses of truth there

we associate ourselves with ideas, statements, and belief systems through chain-of-interaction rituals (Allan

2006). That is, we define certain things as true or real after permeating them collectively

with certain levels of sanctity. This happens largely because the rituals produce an immediate effect.

shared reality among the participants. Attending punk concerts, which involve interaction rituals.

producing high levels of collective emotion, participants personally validate the "authenticity"

their identity as a consequence. The very articulate Cooper testifies in another passage

this process through a magazine article that he offered me for content analysis.

We lived in a world that very few could experience, understand. However in

Twenty years ago, I couldn't remember any other time in my life when I had felt so alive, so real.

Yes, that was right. It wasn't the anesthetic that seemed to turn off the already numb

the nervous system of our society. It was the latest incarnation of reality. I was in

In short, life... and it was ours... [leaving the concert] is not a good word to describe

situation. Perhaps I should distinguish it by saying that we have just gone back to being mortal.

I could think of very few times in my life when I was so hurt, where I was so

exhausted like when i left that mosh pit. When we walked away, there was no doubt who

was. One look in the eyes of any of us made it brutally clear that the band was playing for

Just Sam, Phil and me. They played knowing we would be there. maybe they even

was waiting for us… the next few minutes were a blur…

Cooper described how the ritual experience of attending a concert updated his

the identity of your friends. The emotional and physical intensity of the play engaged his senses.

of the self as real by imbuing them with the impressive and exuberant qualities, qualities that

it generally seems unable to derive from participation in normative social roles. He

The biggest emotional response the show generated was making her identity feel real and true in one

way that the mundane events of everyday life could not and did not.

When Ian and Henry comment on going to concerts during interviews, Ian and Henry's answers are also supportive

this position:

Interviewer: So being the first person up there, that was meaningful and significant.

For you?

Ian: Yes, oh yes; It had to be... That's probably the only time I was really hard.

about anything... when i first saw NOFX play it was at a Warped Tour venue but they

it really was the best of times listening to some of my favorite bands...and...I stayed in the front

like three hours through six different bands, a couple of them I knew, a couple there

I didn't, but I didn't care. You know they leaked me there because I wanted to be

right there for them. And... it was just amazing. When you're done, you'll feel good.

Because you're like... awww... I was there and it was great. I have all that…

Henry: …some people get old and tired, so they just want to stay back,

maybe they get the same thing by doing that, I don't know. I know that every time I have

been to some punk rock show, every time I've stood in the back, it could be a band that really

Like, let's just say I just wasn't in the mood to go into the hole or get close... I'm not going.

the band felt cheated, could have put on a good show, and that's good, but that's it

there's not much I can really remember later... maybe I remember when they played

this song or that and that's fine but you'll always remember... oh man!

Remember a guy came up and elbowed me in the face! 'Yes! Really

it hurt but it was great because then it lifted me up and I spun

and it was amazing! So it's all kinds of unique experiences with people of all ages.

different backgrounds and I mean, you know, punk rock was what they were for, but

grow up with all the different things they've done and you don't know them

not at all, but they are like best friends for an hour…

Very similar to Cooper's feelings, for both Ian and Henry, the feeling of "presence" it

events that occurred during the broadcasts constituted their self-understanding as real. The intensity of his

The experiences remained after the performances ended and were deified in his memories. Enrique,

Specifically, it talks about the need to actively participate in the environment in order to create

such feelings of truth and reality. The memories and unique experiences that come with it

Full participation is therefore indelibly marked by one's understanding

cementing concepts of identity. More generally, punk concerts connect one's identity with the physical:

for tactile sensation. Speaking of them, Eve speaks of this in the following passage:

One of the best things for me about it, like... the last punk show I went to, the day after.

I could feel it. I don't know... I was pretty beat up and my muscles were sore and my

ears were ringing... it's a great outlet... like any frustration

or what have you, just freaking out in a bunch of sweaty people freaking out too. AND

there's something about it that just creates this kinship, like many times someone

just grab your shoulders and start singing with you or something

and it's not the same as going to some kind of depressed indie rock show where everyone

he just stands like statues and nods and taps his foot and listens to some beautiful songs.

simple music or cheesy or something and I mean such shows have their place. Me too

I definitely go to them once in a while, but I definitely love punk shows because no

You know, I like to jump and spin and listen to something that

it's so full of raw emotion and I think... it's really... it's like one of the last songs

styles that aren't afraid to do so. You know, everything else seems so inhibited, like

holding back but punk isn't my thing... like it's not that rehearsed. It's just... just do it, you

You know, and whatever happens is how it happens. It is not built to be perfect musically or

lyrically or something... it's just... it's a visceral experience...

This also comes up in the ethnographic data that I cited to begin the section. The incredible

The physicality and intensity of the concert I attended, to use Allan's expression, brought me to a palpable

reflection attenuation. As my field notes and informant testimony show, punk

Concerts create a common focus of attention, a common emotional mood, a high ecological level.

concentration and a fast pace of interaction.

. William McNeil (1995) also discusses the role of unique physical interactions

lead in terms of adding meaning to people's self-perceptions and grounding them as

genuine. He makes arguments very reminiscent of Collins and Allan, but the sofas

them on different terms. In Keeping Together in Time he discusses the role of drilling and

dance games in military costumes, as well as small societies. His underlying thesis suggests that

Muscle bonding, which occurs through dance and exercise, has been an integral part of the ensemble

development of humanity through the creation of deep emotional bonds that create cohesion in society,

stabilize and strengthen small communities and do collective work, as often

It makes boring and repetitive tasks easier and more fun by injecting emotion into it.

arousal and rhythmic coordination. He claims that the piercing creates a general sense of well-being.

being and a strange sense of personal expansion. Reflect on your own experiences in

army, describes how their collective rituals caused him and his fellow soldiers to "puff up" and

become "larger than life". Like Allan, he claims this was felt, not spoken.

about.

It seems that punk concerts share many of the same qualities as drill procedures.

and the rituals of native dances possess. Like the groups McNeil analyzes, the rhythmic ones

coordination and carnal stimulation that occurs during punk shows makes people feel

euphoric and larger than life. As Charlie will point out in a passage below, this is very functional.

for the subculture, as it encourages participants in what he described as its central tasks: self-

discovery and political resistance. McNeil also points out that dance historians have discovered it

"loss of boundaries" occurs during the dance, indicating a blurring of self-awareness and

Increased sense of togetherness with all who participate in the dance. This causes ecstasy

state in which awareness of others fades and arousal is concentrated in oneself. my field

the notes show how I fell into such a state during the very concert I wrote about, while

he reported that "my mental orientation also decline[d]; objective thinking is gradually losing prominence

and opportunity. I felt more like [then] just experiencing [then], analyzing [was]

very.‖

In addition, McNeil argues that physical dance is uniquely important to the poor and

distressed people, as the resulting ecstatic behavior allows them to temporarily escape

from everyday difficulties and disappointments. Given the narratives that punks supply

account of their identities which emphasized social alienation and ridicule from their peers, their discovery

perhaps obvious and explains the centrality that music and shows have in the subculture,

reflects a need to anchor the self in the impulse rather than in the institution. McNeil also directly

He talks about the problem of social saturation that Gergen raised. Coming to the same conclusion as

Allan, illustrates how rituals such as punk concerts can overcome the problem:

“…the historical process of choosing between competing identities and loyalties

continue indefinitely into the future affecting every human life. This is and always has been

It has been the biggest moral problem for humans. for what and with whom

belongs to? Dance, pranks and other rhythmic muscle exercises have always played a role

answer these questions. They will continue to do so while the gestural, muscular

The level of communication continues to unite people in emotionally vivid feelings.

groups that give meaning and purpose to the human experience” (p.156-7).

Therefore, my data suggest that developing a sense of personal authenticity requires individuals to do so

emotionally and spiritually experience their identities as real by taking part in the ritual

Dimensions of the subculture.

In another way, the interactions in the mosh pits also transferred energy and capital.

among the participants, which created exuberant emotions. This happened through slam dance.

and mingle with the crowd but they mostly resulted during direct physical interactions where

participants offered each other subtle emotional cues of approval or disapproval. a field

excerpts from the note, part of which is recapitulated from above, illuminate this phenomenon:

After another favorite song, 'Generator' for example, a few people applauded me

back - random people he had interacted with in the pit. Subtle approval steps

and praise goes a long way, gives respect and approval to me... Throughout

spectacle, I both intentionally and unintentionally collided hard with others. However,

and this was true in every instance, so far as I can remember, that I and my collider nodded our heads

each other after hitting each other. This, I believe, recognized both respect and

the nature of the interaction - friendly and collectively driven.

Such cues validate the integrity of one's perceived self-concept. To elaborate, like Allan but

Using empirical data, Summers-Effler (2002) found that emotional contagion occurs

be non-cognitive and physically based. Information about our feelings, he writes, is

accessible through careful facial expressions and body language. Similarly, Hatfield has a. to (1994)

found that such emotional information, which generally remains below the surface of the conscious

Consciousness is the foundation of emotional contagion. Therefore, it seems that the punks achieve

authenticity and perform boundary work using non-verbal affective signals that

transfer emotional energies. Such signals signify authentication or rejection and appear to be so

Fundamental to the development of one's senses of self through interaction.

Given the nascent senses of self that subjects have prior to subcultural participation, these are

nonverbal signals, under the surface, and the experience of going to a concert in general, it seems

be essential to personally define and confirm one's self-concept. This is because

regardless of the quest for self-actualization that punks seem to be engaged in, identities

that people assume you still have to balance distinctiveness and connection. For Collins, exuberant,

emotional rituals intensify both personal meanings and social bonds. Therefore in addition

to constitute self-perceptions as true by testing punks with a channel to a direct, physics-based

sense of reality, the social interactions that occur within them help connect them with others

people on whom their identity largely depends, who also work to strengthen identities

which they have adopted for themselves.

My data suggest that participants engage in other specific strategies to strengthen their

also self-concepts. Subjects described two ways in which they explored and

it essentially tested their identities to determine if they were authentic or genuine. These strategies

he was referring to the way they occupied the physical space and danced with each other. First how

As outlined by excerpts from earlier interviews, participants aspired to play an active role in the shows. The

they achieved this by standing close to the band and participating in the physical process

the character of the rite. This tended to involve singing, dancing, crowd surfing, helping others

around those who have lost or misplaced personal belongings, and generally by interacting with others who

They were present. The following excerpts from my field notes illustrate the importance of involvement

in this form of participation:

I never feel like I'm part of the show unless I'm up front where the action is happening. Is

strange, I suppose; the pit/front area is a completely different world. there people

dance, mosh, shout, move, etc., while people in the rest of the place

A bit of passive sitting. I have always wondered why they do this. how can you enjoy

the show unless you express or redeem [enthusiasm] in some way? Punk shows then handle

lots of energy, almost seems to require liveliness. It seems you are missing everything

experience of the show when you are in an inactive part of the crowd. you listen

music, but the experience is something else entirely...the crowd makes or breaks

show. The nature of this essentially determines how and if you can express yourself.

My notes reveal how the nature of punk concerts can be explicitly interactive for many people.

Most people who participate do not passively receive the music of bands that control the nature of

experience. Rather, punk shows exist as a dialectic of interaction between the participants and the

bonds that mutually constitute the experience. Actually passively surrender to the music

becomes almost impossible, as my observations again show:

Usually, and especially in a chaotic and energetic show, I immerse myself

collective experience of the crowd, only sporadically, for brief moments, really seeing

on the wing Others are constantly bumping into you, changing your orientation and preventing

undisturbed observation of the band. Crowd activity is also often more

interesting to see the band.

The second strategy is to participate in the mosh pits that take place at concerts. His

The climate is incredibly physically demanding and also potentially dangerous. my field notes

reveal its nature

The nature of the moat precludes individual movement for the most part. You can

develop an individual dance style, but the person, holistically, remains a subject

to the collective will of those present. The well moves in a vortex as you should

adhere to to avoid complete physical exhaustion or injury. Also the trouble

and lack of bodily agency creates a climate of potential danger and urgency…

When a concert ends, therefore, there is usually a shared sense of survival, because

everyone present collectively experienced a very intense phenomenon comparable to a

soccer team after a hard fight or a team of soldiers after a bloody battle. This creates a

unique channel of empathy that brings participants closer to each other and generates intense

solidarity. In this context, the chaotic nature also provides unique conditions

through which punks can engage in acts of camaraderie that serve to strengthen group bonds

and identity. During the concert described above, I, like others, fell frequently

she pushed and lost her shoes while dancing. In almost all cases where a

participant's safety was compromised, several others rushed to his aid. When someone

he fell, three persons picked him up; when someone's shoe fell off, people made room for it

allow their reintegration. My field notes from another gig also show this:

The members of the crowd continued to act civilly and responsibly towards everyone. Everyone who

those that fell were picked up. At one point someone lost a hat, but someone else picked it up,

held it up in the air for minutes before someone picked it up. I lost my shoe three more

times. Each time several people quickly came to me and helped me hold him down. He

the energy and glow never faded. In fact, it seemed to get stronger with each song.

Several interviewees confirmed the importance of such manifestations of group camaraderie as

Well. This kind of charitable behavior between strangers is not suitable for everyday life.

idea. The moat therefore foresees situations where the members to support it

the exuberant concert experience, they must interact with each other in a meaningful way. This

creates a meaningful interaction that builds a solidarity that would not take place in the realm of

routine experience.

The shows also gave punks the strength to sustain their self-actualization.

projects when they are not participating in the ritual. Charlie suggested that the intense feeling

Experiences associated with listening to punk music and going to shows confirmed and validated

your personal goals by saying the following:

…I divide punk into two different ideas: the musical side and the ideological side

page. And the music side is a kind of party to keep us together and motivated.

to the heart of the political question. I feel like it's there to remind everyone

We can still have fun even if we get electrocuted or searched every five minutes because

we look weird or for some other reason... to have a show... [to] just try it out

building as much as we can ideologically and physically... all the time trying to fight

alienation that is consumerism and actually [being ourselves].

For Charlie, going to concerts served as motivation to continue the process of self-discovery.

and to carry out his political ideals by replenishing his reservoir of emotional energy. the intense

The emotional experiences and empathy created by listening to punk music are also affirming

and validated his goals by anchoring his self-concept. Gary offered when interviewed

page comments:

… certainly in my politically formative years [punk music] had a galvanizing effect.

Going home and putting a Crass record on was pretty powerful and it made me feel

through my daily existence, confirms that these ideas that I played with and were friendly

taking small steps towards implementation in my life were valid.

For Gary, punk music served as a support mechanism that confirmed his ideas as valuable.

and it also meant that he was not alone in supporting them. The visceral reaction to punk music

and the punk shows (which he discussed in another part of his interview) encouraged uploading his ideology

meaningful beliefs. As with Cooper, he could feel his legitimacy instead of just

agree with them on a cognitive or rational level.

Brian also talked about how punk music gave meaning to his beliefs, and

how it evoked an emotional response that made them feel right and true. while we discuss why

attracted to punk music, he argued that it provided a soundtrack to a set of ideas that

they have otherwise lacked strong appeal. This soundtrack, which shows in the fast, energetic and

catchy delivery of punk music, it evokes a visceral response in listeners. Just read about her

the burgeoning beliefs and ideas would not have been so exciting. He suggested that the music

emotionally registered with him, while ideas delivered through other media such as books

or masters, it only resonated on the surface, mental level, which was not that strong. His

comment is consistent with Turner's (1976) research, which suggests that people no longer

necessarily experience as real what they are taught is real because the information is overloaded,

Technological advances and social upheaval drive the world into an almost constant state of

flow. Given this uneasiness, people place more importance on what they can feel than on what they can do.

can sense, such as experiences that cause outpourings of emotion and heightened emotional states

They have greater power and importance. In this context, according to the respondents, the participants are

attracted to punk because it catechistically represents something compared to lukewarm offerings

which other sources of knowledge and identity distribute during adolescence. henry and trevor

related similar thoughts while discussing their school experiences. As mentioned in “becoming

punk chapter, opposed the imposition of knowledge from their respective schools and instead

He prioritized the felt reality.

Overall, my observations and interview data suggest that concerts serve a much larger audience.

function that maintains subcultural cohesion and group meaning. While the ritual nature

of punk concerts seem to solve that task by strengthening the social ties between them

subcultural participants, also seem to greatly facilitate the search for an authentic identity (e.g

to use Taylor's term) or the real self (to use Turner's term). This is because the programs offer members

of the subculture's opportunity to engage in self-expression through acts such as singing and

dance. More importantly, however, they provide a forum in which to explore, confirm, and more.

deeply anchor nascent self-perceptions. In this way, those who take part in the concert use the opportunity to

"proves" their identity. The participants try to determine whether their subculture

members match their inner depths by seeking catechetical experiences, and also

they constitute their concepts of themselves as real and significant by grounding them in the social, physical and

emotional experiences of extraordinary intensity. Also participate in shows like Collins

he theorizes, punks recharge their reserves of emotional energy. This allows them to overcome

socially alienated states that suffer and seek others for further interaction.

By contributing an emotional dimension to new beliefs and ideas, punk music and performances

they also served as support systems for punks' personal projects by asserting their validity.

These findings are consistent with Kidder's (2006) study of bicycle messengers.

subculture. Interview members about and personally participate in "stray cats," which were

dangerous and physically demanding bicycle races that served as rituals for the members argued that

intense focus on the event that the participants maintained, as well as the reception of theirs

extraordinary felt reality: the muted reflexivity between those who give the messengers a

sense of inner harmony and meaning. Like with messengers, what it meant to be a punk, and

to be oneself more generally, was shown and unfolded through the ritual experience of

attend shows. Under them, actions were reduced to instinct, mobilizing a context that

seemed objectively real (2006).

CAPITAL OF

DISCUSSION

Either as efforts to contest class positions or as adaptations to cultural tensions, scholars

have long associated youth subcultures with rebellion. Heavily influenced by classical pieces.

approached through functionalist and neo-Marxist paradigms, scholars have continued

working under the assumption that an unbridgeable gulf separates the subculture from the "dominant".

culture”, despite evidence suggesting that actors in such different settings share norms, values

and beliefs. Although Fine and Kleinman (1979) urged such researchers to reconsider

assumed division by revealing that many sub-bodybuilders never actually leave the "mainstream culture" but rather

rather than moving fluidly amid several social worlds, most subsequent work has continued

to suggest that subcultures develop practices and value systems that are distinguishable if not i

open opposition to those from the dominant culture. This could not be more true

than in punk Moore (2007), for example, published an article just a few months ago

he interpreted punk's way of producing culture as resistance. As can be seen throughout

In the sections above, there is certainly no shortage of other work on such claims. Mine

However, empirical findings do not support this argument; at least they suggest

that the ideology and practice of punk cannot be reduced only to resistance. have probed

interviewed about their ideological beliefs, I found that the punks in my sample did not follow

or promote a specific set of policies. Although none of my informants had a conservative conviction,

however, they rejected the idea that leftist ideology was inherent to the subculture. Actually,

regarding politics they simply said that individuals should look within themselves

to determine where they are on the political spectrum. They often hinted at participating in such

would lead to leftist beliefs and values given his insistence on the “flawed process of

socialization” that Cooper talked about, but they did not feel that it was inevitable at all. Therefore,

while challenges to hegemony are regularly imposed, punk does not seem to be based on one

narrow project of ideological resistance.

Except for his refusal to ascribe a particular set of politics to punk, which might be

What was most interesting about the comment the subjects gave was that they did not tend to

emphasize political opposition at all. Rather, he emphasized the importance of authenticity, no

not just as punks, but as people in general who get more intimate contact with

his "true self". This concern is not unique to the punk subculture. Fine (2003) e.g.

writes, "the desire for authenticity now occupies a central position in contemporary culture."

(p. 153). As scholars such as Taylor, Boyle, Lasch, and Bell have pointed out, the devotion is to self-discovery

it has become embedded in the value system of society as a whole. Turner also postulates that as

nature of felt reality has changed for citizens of post-industrial societies, they have come to

increasingly disdain their institutional roles in order to locate and actualize the true self that

they think they are locked up in their hitherto unexplored and unapproved impulses. Taylor does it

to the point of affirming that we live in a culture of "authenticity" that exalts creation and

construction, originality and opposition to society's rules. These beliefs reflect the value

system that punks are aware of, involving rejection, reflexivity and self-discovery. Also as mentioned

in chapter six, as the punks experience their personal realities in a way that prioritizes impulses

about institutions rather than those outside the subculture, the place of their identities

nevertheless, it reflects a wider societal change in the way people constitute and develop their selves.

performances—a shift that, according to Turner (1976), popular culture and contemporary values

guidelines strong evidence.

Thus, just as punks seek to reconnect with reality, avoid market relations and

establishment of an independent field of cultural productions, most of the Western world

you also want more and more people to experience things for themselves. Boyle (2004) suggests that this is

because people live in a world that tells them that the future of food is artificial, that the future

of books, newspapers, medicine is virtual and that they will soon be treated completely

computer screens, not through people. While punks insist that most people are social

unconscious and lukewarm conformists, he argues instead that globalization has spawned a

desire for anything but conformity and convention. While acknowledging that most

people in the western world continue to orient their lives around consumption, Boyle

however, it suggests that there has been a kind of revolution that consumers have

launched a rejection of the fake, the virtual, the spun and the mass-produced. Instead it is called

there is a longing more and more for something they can touch and put their fingers on, just like

punks

When he analyzes the marketing and advertising campaigns of large companies, he argues

that the leaders responsible for initiating these strategies have discovered the contemporary

infatuation with authenticity that Taylor and others have written about, using it in an ironic way

way to sell your products. By linking the products to the notions of liberation, rebellion and

the unruliness of youth, cultural producers have been able to survive in an environment that despises massification.

production. In the same way that punks emphasize felt reality over cognitive transmission, he argues

that what is marketed as cool and authentic seems to prioritize emotion and feeling over it

reason and sensitivity, which, according to him, explains the background of violence and rebellion in

many of the products and cultural expressions that achieve commercial success.

Fine (2003) found similar preferences while studying how people consume art.

Authenticity in art, he postulated, was associated with a lack of cognitive understanding, which

created an experience without mediation. In other words, for collectors, authentic art was sincere,

original, innocent, genuine and unaffected, separated from the strategic and pragmatic self-

presentation. Like punks who value house shows and local music over commercials.

offer, found that people appreciated self-taught art as opposed to commercial and

scholarly products, suggesting that their emotional responses to the pieces validated the art of

power. Pillsbury (1990) similarly found that many diners sought out foreign cuisine.

authentic food, trying to truly experience foreignness in a way that hasn't been watered down

by commodification, globalization etc. Again, for him authenticity involved a lack of

mediation. Thus, in contrast to Adorno (1982), who claimed that cultural consumption had been

Reduced to pure commodity fetishism, Fine and Pillsbury found that people consumed art and

food for the strong emotional images they evoked, arising from the perception of

sincerity and honesty they possessed, which seems to be different from their exciting value, which

Adorno wrote about emotions head to head. So it seems that the same drive that pushes people

consuming punk music, a search for something real and genuine based on the catechetical as

as opposed to the cognitive and galvanized by a self-concept that emphasizes drives rather than

institutions - also motivates people to seek self-taught art and foreign cuisine. People it

is situated in the dominant cultural milieu to assume that such art and food are lacking

instrumentality and pretense of commercial and academic art, as well as fast food, and seems

to feel more real to them.

In general, Boyle suggests that phenomena such as punk will become more and more common, e.g

more and more people are coming to reject the notions of progress that have prevailed since

modernity and believe in them a false world of the second category5. Instead, he claims that people

it will increasingly require real human contact, real experience and real connection. similar to

Allan and Gergen, Boyle suggests that this is a response to the cultural conditions of postmodernity,

that has given way to generalized understandings of reality that suggest that it is social

built and that people cannot really communicate or understand each other. IN

Along with social saturation, such ideas have spawned the ever-despised attitude of ennui.

The urge for authenticity, on the other hand, challenges the notion that nothing is true and that

everything is relative. It puts humanity first and rejects the idea that they are controllable cogs.

Considering the continuity between the punks' value system and that of society in general, two

questions arise. First, why, for some people, is the cultural pursuit of authenticity

manifest in subcultural participation? And secondly, if the punk subculture functions as a tool for

experience authentic identity, and if the drive for authentic identity is ubiquitous, why

Aren't all guys into punk? To answer these questions, it is useful to start with a classic

subculture study. In Learning to Labor, Paul Willis (1977) described the development of a

Counterculture in a British school. Successful fusion of functionalist theory and neo-

Marxist theory, in a way that is very rare, found that the children of the working class resorted to their

class values to erect an alternative status system to save their dignity given the poverty

academic achievements.

5 Despite the impulse of many people to seek a more direct experience of reality and seek the "real thing", it is also important to note that simulation and simulacra remain popular. For example, Las Vegas and theme parks.

built around sinister themes continues to flourish. However, much recent research in areas ranging from

food to art to tourism, as mentioned, strongly suggests that there is a growing appreciation and desire for

experiences. More generally, people may begin to turn to themselves instead of looking for what

perceptually it is on the outside.

100

Willis, like others both before and after him, experienced the school in question evaluating

students based on their intellectual talents, not their practical abilities. working class children

those who lacked the former quality eventually reversed this system in their senior year of high school.

Transformed into "Boys", they expressed their outrage against authority and started a "guerrilla" campaign.

war" against the school in the efforts to get symbolic and physical space for the institution

and its rules. The boys developed an informal cultural system that despised theory

knowledge and obedience, with an emphasis on cunning, practical skill and other activities, such as

such as drinking, smoking and sexual prowess that his working-class parents prized. IN

Characteristically, Willis presented this behavior as a "magic bullet" for a social problem, such as

the boys' resistance to the school's institutional culture ultimately compromised their academic performance.

success and reproduced their subordinate class positions.

But when Hargreaves (1982) wrote Willis's paper after its publication, researchers warned

who studied opposing cultures to be careful to draw parallels between the values of

working-class youth and students who express deviant values in schools. He claimed that we

Don't assume that working-class values are deeply rooted in the children who

automatically imports them into schools. Rather, he advocated that researchers be aware of a “process

view of the opposition culture, which postulates that certain processes activate the working class

values, causing children to adopt them in schools. Hargreaves went on to argue that children activate

working class values as a resource to maintain their dignity when they fail

school. Most relevant to my discussion, however, is a question that Hargreaves raises when

elaborates on this point of view: what happens to students whose dignity is attacked but lacking

Working-class values as a resource to draw upon to maintain self-esteem?

101

I postulate that the answer to this question lies within the value system of the punk subculture.

As mentioned in the chapter "becoming a punk", informants in my study said, almost

ubiquitous - feeling inherently different and alienated from their mainstream peers. This

suggesting that they were unable to achieve status in their conventional popularity systems

schools. Their narratives also suggest achieving status through conventional institutional institutions

it's still hard. But apart from maybe two participants, none of my informants

belonged to the kind of working-class community that the boys in the Willis study were betting on

membership. As a result, they could not and cannot base themselves on a set of working class values i

to build an alternative status system.

The lack of alternative values prevented subjects from using a riot adaptation to

cultural stress they experience. As for cultural resources, they were forced to cling to

to what the "dominant culture" had made available to those to whom I submit were the ideals of

authenticity. In other words, it seems that the punks in my study repeated the institutionalized

societal values in a distorted and enhanced form to achieve social status and

meaningful self-perceptions. Unlike the Lads, the punks put a lot of emphasis on theory.

knowledge and knowledge, and, in accordance with the culture of authenticity, celebrated individualism,

creativity and light. Therefore, there was no major inversion of cultural values or goals.

As opposed to an adaptation of rebellion to anomic conditions, my data suggest that punk is

more accurately described as an "innovative" solution to stress experienced by young people

in school or in society in general.

Instead of relying on the means of his peers to achieve an authentic identity,

the punks in my study used strategies that were not widely accepted or socially sanctioned.

They established autonomous fields of cultural production, participated in the ritualistic nature of

102

punk shows and made use of the subculture's stylistic and ideological tools – activities

that pleases their impulses. Therefore, contrary to Moore (2007), who interprets the spirit of bricolage as

opposition to capitalism (essentially a cultural value), I suggest that it constitutes a rejection of

consumption and appropriation as a means of experiencing and representing one's "real self".

that economic problems were not the only causes of maladjustment or lack of status among

subjects, as moral and ideological disparities often explained why they could not fit as

well, his heightened concern with authenticity as a cultural ideal makes more sense. This is

also consistent with the findings of Miller's (1958) study on gang crime. he concluded

that underachieving youth joined subcultures to develop an alternative source of

self-esteem and identity. However, in contrast to Cohen and others who work from the functionalist perspective

camp, concluded that within the subculture in question they reproduced the father's values

culture in a distorted and enhanced form, they did not replace them.

While the punks in my studio may not have necessarily harbored a greater concern

authenticity before entering the subculture seems to have developed a to

maintain their levels of self-esteem and overall sense of self. Apparently they did because

inability to achieve status or gain tangible rewards by participating in institutions—

especially educational ones – made their institutional roles and identity feel less relevant and

less real to them than their uninjured peers, encouraging them to anchor their self-

imaginings in an alternative place: drive (Turner 1976). To put it another way, since I'm under

institutional status prevented study participants from anchoring their self-concepts in themselves,

Participants were encouraged to ground them in deeply felt impulses, an articulated social process

through the cultural ideal of authentic identity that punk ideology promotes and embodies.

103

Two additional arguments support my interpretation of punk as an innovative adaptation.

to cultural tensions. First, as discussed above, a large body of recent literature suggests that

Today's society has gone mad for authenticity. Second, in The Comprehensive

School, Hargreaves (1982) deals with how the institutional framework of schools has

radically changed since the 19th century. As opposed to trying to socialize children, they saw

participate in mainstream society and adopt a common identity, claim that they have become

highly individualistic, emphasizing the humanistic development and enlightenment of individuals,

promotes what he calls a "culture of individualism." Basically, it describes how the school

the curricula and pedagogy reflect the culture of authenticity that Taylor writes about. This

manifests itself in individualized curricula that attempt to design unique programs for each child,

the abandonment of the corporate vocabulary of schools and the disappearance of endure

class units, where students are now divided into years instead. Hargreaves argues that these

has eroded the sense of belonging to the school and has eradicated

institutional pride that students once received from her. In other words, instead of asking what

kind of society we want, we ask ourselves what kind of individuals we want to enter society. Hargreaves'

The results suggest that individualism and authenticity are easily accessible to the dissatisfied.

youth as cultural resources for developing a sense of self.

104

CHAPTER OF

CONCLUSION

By means of empirical analyses, my results give insight into the ideological aspects of

punk and allow a reconceptualization of the subculture. Unlike other researchers who

have reified mainstream ideas of authenticity I argue that punk, for many people, has

significant ideology that encompasses more than just style. My findings, driven by an ethnographic study

approach, expanding our knowledge of subculturalists and addressing the issues and

gaps in the existing literature, especially the Birmingham tradition, which excessively privileged

spectacular aspects of the subculture, neglected to look at the mundane elements of the youth'

life, and was based on semiotic methods that denied subcultural participants agency. However,

my work also underpins parts of his analysis with empiricism, namely punking

in fact, they seek to objectify their self-image through style, and that they resist, though

the nature of this resistance appears to be very different from that hitherto conceived.

I also offer other unique contributions to the existing literature. more contemporary

The research has gone beyond the study of ideology, mainly as a response to the criticism

against the Birmingham tradition regarding its interest in ideology rather than empiricism. By

use ethnographic methods to study the meanings that young people attach to their behaviour,

I am able to recover the exploration of ideology within the subculture, which has largely been

abandoned. I also reveal subcultures as critical sites for the formation of meaningful identities,

cultivate social ties and develop supportive communities of which to be a part

conceptualizations that trivialize them as structural responses to cultural contradictions or as

105

empty postmodern fashion. As discussed throughout the document, such meaningful communities and

Sites for interaction are essential in a socially saturated world that does not provide many

direction, purpose, meaning and empathetic and valued interpersonal relationships. He

physical rituals that punk offers also work successfully to dampen reflexivity

suffered by young people struggling to define themselves. Punk rituals allow such individuals

transform their loci of themselves from institutions to drives by providing access to larger

emotional states and create excellent opportunities to satisfy deeply felt impulses. those who don't

integrated into the subculture, such outings are likely to seem illogical and ridiculous, presenting

strange people dressed in absurd clothes listening to cacophonous music while engaged in

apparently violent dancing and movement. For the participants, however, the concerts mobilize a context

that seems objectively real, that gives a sense of meaning and inner harmony to

participants (Kidder 2006).

In relation to existing theory, it seems that the functionalist perspective as it is now presented

Supports cannot fully explain why young people enter subcultures. That's why it does

I do not consider the drive for authentic identity or the change in the way people anchor their self-

notions that Taylor and Turner intend to impregnate the culture of post-materialist societies. He

The functionalist paradigm also lacks explanatory power because it continues to make wrong assumptions

extreme division between dominant and subcultural values. On the contrary, my research provides

support for the claim that a strong drive to achieve authentic identity was approaching

through a process of self-discovery rather than self-creation - is widespread in modern times. Because of

the profound social changes that I discussed in Chapter Three, people in advanced industrial sectors

Society is increasingly beginning to search for and experience their "real self" through

forms of impulsive behavior that Taylor's ideal of authenticity encourages and demands. Yo

106

suggests that this drive exists as part of a larger need to develop a meaningful and positive relationship

self-concept, when combined with other circumstances, pushes individuals into the subculture

effort. This happens when the young people's value orientations do not agree with

from their prevailing social environments when they are somewhat socially alienated from

their peers and when they are particularly exposed to the subcultural ideology and style

(especially the music). This cultural form seems to have a unique resonance with such individuals,

allowing them to ground their self-perceptions in inner impulses rather than tumultuous ones

institutions where they generally lack status, which opens up the subculture as a channel through

to better recognize and pursue the "real me".

While the classical functionalist literature defines subcultures as adaptations of "rebellion" to

social problems, my research finds them to be more like "innovation" responses than

occurs when individuals internalize society's cultural goals but reject the legitimate means to

when them. Those in my study were deeply concerned with becoming individuals, but

they could not – or chose not to – follow the typical paths to achieve this ideal. Opposite to

to try to satisfy the ideal of authentic individuality by cultivating important statuses and

performing duties within the established institutional framework, the punks did so by nurturing their inner selves

desires, which are expressed by committing to the ideology of the subculture and by

establish innovative forms of cultural production.

In relation to neo-Marxist theory, my research confirms that punks do indeed question

dominant ideological codes, into the subculture as a means of facilitating a project of

endurance. But resistance alone did not explain why subjects identified as punk.

Furthermore, their opposition was not directly related to the goals of restoring the dilapidated work.

107

class communities6 or change existing class relationships. Rather, the punks challenged the dominant

ideology to subjectively achieve authenticity. By resisting and regretting society's actions

influence on them, punks claimed to develop their inner essences, a behavior that supports

Turner's claim that those who cannot recognize themselves as persecutors

institutionalized goals that make up a rapidly growing demographic are going to do it for

participate in acts of will. Similarly, while punks used the subculture as a forum to explore

alternative ideas, their exploration was not directly linked to class-based subversion. Instead they

questioned the hegemonic values to promote in the process of locating their inner and

clarify their worldviews. While social justice is important to many of them, punks prioritize

the pursuit of personal truth over it. Therefore, while resistance reflects subcultural participation, it is

constitute or account for it.

Most importantly, however, my work goes beyond an analysis of how subculturalists

construct authentic identities and instead explore how the broader cultural goal of authentic identities

individuality, catalyzed in many ways by the growing inability of humans to implant their self-

performances in institutional settings, govern subcultural participation. I'll find what you have

The result of the culture industry's appropriation of the punk style is an attempt by some young people

punks come together to share a self-actualization project where authenticity (as

punk and as a human being) is developed through a commitment to three ideological principles:

rejection, self-actualization and reflexivity. I find that punk's identity is subjectively constituted

for the integrity of the search and practice of its inner essence. So I link punk

subculture to a broader social trend in a way that previous studies have neglected to do. This

6 To the credit of neo-Marxist theory, however, I must point out that most of the survey participants, although certainly not

wealthy compared to many of their peers, mostly did not come from working class society over

which CCCS researchers investigated. As a result, one should not expect them to be interested in reconstituting

declining working class society.

108

agrees with the theoretical scholarship advanced by microsociologists such as Fine and Kleinman,

that has problematized the subculture/dominant culture division adopted both by

functionalist and neo-Marxist traditions. While his scholarship suggests that individuals

move fluidly between different social media instead of remaining anchored in solitary surroundings,

my findings highlight the cultural continuities that exist between these seemingly disparate worlds.

Specifically, I show that the punk subculture reproduces culturally dominant tendencies in a

amplified and distorted form. My work also modifies much of the postmodern theory of

subculture. Unlike scholars of post-subculture studies, I find that punk cancels out a lot of that

reflexivity, saturation and uncertainty in the postmodern condition. It probably isn't

suggest, a symptom of it.

109

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116

APPENDIX A: TABLE OF PARTICIPANTS

Name Sex Age of Marriage

stat

Education Employment Politics

Briefing

Ordenador Dickie Mand 23 Single BS

Engineer

libertariansk

Arnold Mand 22 Single BA Hotel

Security

Liberal

Cooper Mand 22 Single BA Restaurant

Manager

Liberal

Blake Male 21 Single At the University Restaurant

Working

Much

Liberal

Henry Male 22 Single At University Walmart Liberal

Trevor Mand 21 Gift HS Manual

Labor

Liberal

Bobby Male 21 Single HS Manual

Labor

Liberal

Restaurante Charlie Mand 23 Single HS

Working

Much

Liberal

117

Ian Male 22 Graduate single

Student

Maestro

Moderate

Gary Male 27 Married BA Librarian Very

Liberal

Tomás

Masculine

Easy

licensed in letters

restaurant

working,

Musician

Much

Liberal

Brian Male 24 Single BA Shop

Clerk

Much

Liberal

Glenn Male 24 Single Educated

Student

Free technical assistance

Eve Female 24 Single BA librarian Very

Liberal

Kathleen Female 26 Married Educated

Student

very librarian

Liberal

Jarod Macho 25 Single HS Shop

Clerk

Liberal

118

Cute Female 19 Single College

Student

employee

Liberal

Lorie Female 27 Single BA Restaurant

Working

Liberal

Holly Woman 23 Single Some

Employee

restaurant

Working

Much

Liberal

Sarah Woman 23 Gift Some

Employee

barista a lot

Liberal

119

APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW FORM

1) Tell me about yourself when you were younger, before you got involved in punk rock.

to. What role did religion play in your life growing up? have you accepted it or

having problems with it?

b. What about family life? Was it relatively easy or more confusing?

C. What were your experiences like in middle school and high school?

d. Do you generally feel that something set you apart from your peers, or was

Are you more or less on the same page as them?

2) Tell me how you first found out about punk.

to. When and how did you start identifying yourself as a punk?

b. Did the people, the music, the ideology, the fashion resonate with you in a way that others did

music etc None? Why do you think that was so?

C. In general, why do you think you were drawn to punk over another?

group of people or activities?

d. How has punk influenced your life in general? In other words, you can talk about how

Your life or your sense of self would be different if you hadn't been involved

¿punk?

3) Now that you're a little older, punk still means what it used to mean

of?

to. How has your relationship with punk changed as you've gotten older?

b. Do other commitments, such as work, family, etc., ever interfere with yours

commitment to punk? If so, how and how do you deal with it?

4) What does being a punk mean to you?

to. What kind of ideas and beliefs do you associate with punk?

b. Is there a tension between individuality and conformity in punk? if so tell me

about it

C. Do you think that punk is in some sense a social movement? In other words,

Can people who come together as punks affect the world in a positive or positive way?

transformative way?

d. How have they influenced radio, major record companies and other forms of mass culture?

¿punk?

5) What is your view on the style/fashion associated with punk?

to. Is music and entertainment an integral part of culture?

b. What special qualities do music and shows have that draw you to them? IN

in other words, what is the experience of going to a punk show like? What are you doing

stem from it?

6) Do you think there are different levels of commitment to punk, or that people

participate in different degrees? If yes, please tell me.

to. Do you feel that people with less commitment degrade the community in

Nevertheless? If so, how?

120

7) Many of the people I talk to usually associate some form of resistance with punk

against dominance structures. If it is relevant to you, tell me about some cases in

that you have resisted power or authority figures

to. What exactly were you resisting?

b. Why did you resist them?

C. How did your opposition make you feel?

d. What was the result of their resistance?

8) Are there important things/problems seen to be with the world today? While you

I could probably express a long list of problems, do you think there is a general problem?

undercurrents to watch out for that you feel explains a lot of what

undermine the harmony/happiness of the world?

9) If there are any ideas or comments you'd like to add that I haven't

addressed - questions that you think are important regarding punk - you are welcome to do so

address them here.

(PDF) IN SEARCH OF THE REAL, IN LOVE WITH THE AUTHENTIC: A STUDY IN IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE IN PUNK SUBCULTURE by PHILIP GEORGE LEWIN B.A., University - DOCUMENT.TIPS (2023)

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